Tammany party as to what the returns ought to be." Mr. Croker had been extremely irritated and emphatic, and was reported daily as countenancing disorder, and did not seem to be willing to modify any statement he was alleged to have made, no matter how frantic it was. At all events, he was in a state of excitement of the most intense nature-and whether it was real or affected, it was a matter that imported a state of civil war. He claimed in many reported talks that the Democrats were going to carry Connecticut and New Jersey; and it was stated that when some one inadvertently mentioned the name of Governor Roosevelt in his presence, it was "all off," as they say at a race course, and Croker "glared and gritted his teeth," and proceeded to howl "that wild man's at it again. I see he was mobbed at Elmira. I wouldn't be surprised if he put up the job himself." Further, the Democratic leader said, "the Roosevelt fighting in Cuba" was a "fake," and he added: "It puzzles me that when the heart of the American people is beating for love of him, as that wild man says it is, he never shows his face but someone throws a brick at him," and this perhaps, mistakenly, was regarded a hint a tip.

The great Republican procession, closing the campaign in New York City, was about to come off, and it was declared there was a plan to insult the marchers. The scheme was to hang out several insulting banners above the line of march, and these were to be flaunted in the faces of the marchers in the great procession. Mr. Croker, being asked whether he didn't think the men in the procession might resent it, that trouble would follow, said he didn't care, which to his followers meant that he wanted it to happen, thus corroborating the motive of putting out the flags as stated in the story.

On November the 2nd, a mob in Haverstraw threatened a Republican speaker with violence, and there was extraordinary rowdyism that seemed to be concerted. On November 3rd, the Saturday before the election, Chairman Jones, of the Democratic National Committee, at Chicago, issued a statement saying "The fight is won. Bryan and Stevenson will be elected. The Demiocratic majority in the Electoral College will be ample." It was further stated they would carry all the States they carried in '96, with the possible exception of Wyoming, and would also carry New York, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, West Virginia, Kentucky, Indiana, Ohio and Illinois. At the same time they claimed California. The purpose of this proclamation, interpreted according to the riot rumors, was to excite the opposition to the Administration in New York to believe that if the State should be carried against McKinley he would. be beaten. The policy of the false proclamation was the old, accustomed one, that a very large Democratic majority in the City of New York would mean the electoral vote of the State, and that would elect Bryan. It was desirable, to those in favor of disorder on election day, and violence, to interfere with the counting of votes, if they were not of the character that suited the Tammany

society, that the fact of such apparent result would justify riotous proceedings, and a New York mob "lift," as is the "lingo," the Presidential election. This proclamation was held to be a corroboration of rumor.

Among the banners hung out over Broadway, with the intention of provoking the men in the procession to tear them down and so start a fight (the number of marchers was about 85,000) were inscriptions, in big, black letters: "They make you parade, but they can't make you vote against Bryan." "It is a Trust parade, and not a Republican parade." "We are here to see the Wild Man, but this is the man we will vote for," and there was a picture of Bryan given as the tip that Bryan was the man and Roosevelt was "wild." The clear purpose was to exasperate the marchers, that they might commit some breach of peace, and provide an excuse for a series of disturbances, beginning immediately and culminating on election day. At least, that was the view taken, and there was an immense amount of bad feeling and a great deal of serious apprehension. "The marchers" bore any amount of insult patiently, and there was no outbreak.

It had been thought early in the summer by the opponents to the re-election of McKinley, that Mr. Bryan would sweep many, indeed nearly all, the States between the Pacific Slope and the Mississippi river; and if Croker could redeem his promises to carry the State of New York in the City of New York, Bryan would win. The managers who put up the scaffolding for this structure, were disappointed and disconcerted by the nomination of Roosevelt for the Vice-Presidency; and the irritation of mind and strain on the feelings increased with the news from the Roosevelt special train. It was all along the line "Behold, the conquering hero comes," and some time elapsed before anyone ventured to use mob violence with the expectation of getting the better of the fight certain to follow. It was a pretty sure thing that the Rough Riders were not the kind of people to be walked over. However, September 27th a dispatch came over the wires, stating an assault had been made on Roosevelt, that he had been in danger, and "narrowly escaped serious injury in a Colorado mining town." The dispatches from Colorado relating to this matter were as follows:

"Cripple Creek, Colo., Sept. 26-Governor Roosevelt had a most exciting experience to-day at Victor, a few miles from Cripple Creek, among the mines, where a demonstrative crowd had assembled. The Governor had a narrow escape from serious personal violence. The accident was the only one of the kind that has occurred on his trip, and it is said that the trouble was caused by a small body of roughs who had been organized and paid for the purpose of breaking up the meeting. The men engaged were few in number, but very violent in their attack. Governor Roosevelt spoke at Armory Hall, which was filled. He had just begun to speak when he was interrupted by noisy demonstrations. He said:

'In my State the men who were put on the Committee on Platform to draw up an anti-trust platform at the Democratic National Convention at Kansas City, had at that time their pockets stuffed with Ice Trust stock. The Democratic leader in New York, Richard Croker, upon whom you base your only hope-and it is a mighty slim hope, too-was another great stockholder, and if, in fact, you were to read through the list of stockholders in that trust it would sound like reading the roll of the members of Tammany Hall.'

"A voice cried, 'What about the rotten beef?' The Governor replied: 'I ate it, and you will never get near enough to be hit with a bullet, or within five miles of it.'

"Governor Roosevelt succeeded in finishing his remarks, although there was an evident intention among those present that he should not do so. When the Governor left the hall with his party to go toward the train he was surrounded by a company of Rough Riders, commanded by Sherman Bell, one of his own soldiers in the war with Spain. He was also accompanied by Curtis Guild, Jr., of Boston; John Proctor Clarke, of New York; General Irving Hale, of Colorado; Senator Wolcott and Frank C. Goudy. Governor Roosevelt and his party were on foot. A crowd of boys and men began throwing stones and shouting for Bryan. The Rough Riders, mounted and unmounted, closed in around the Governor to protect him from assault by the mob. One made a personal attack on Governor Roosevelt, and succeeded in striking him a blow in the breast with a stick. The assailant was immediately knocked down by Daniel M. Sullivan, postmaster of Cripple Creek. A rush was then made by the mob to drag the mounted men in khaki uniforms from their horses. The men on foot, also in khaki, closed around the Governor, making a wedge which pushed through the crowd; and they succeeded in gaining the train, which was surrounded by the mob. By this time there were probably one thousand or fifteen hundred excited people in the crowd, and blows were exchanged on all sides. Many of the mob were armed with sticks and clubs, and some with rotten potatoes, stale eggs and lemons. The entire party regained the train, however, without serious injury, and it pulled out of the place with the Rough Riders on the rear platform. Governor Roosevelt, while regretting the occurrence, was not disturbed by the incident, and was ready to proceed with his speeches in Cripple Creek."

At Castle Rock, where he was introduced by Senator Wolcott, Governor Roosevelt said in part: "We feel that to you men of the West we have a right to appeal. There may be some excuse for the dwellers in great cities, pressed down by the hard conditions of life in some quarters, to despair. It may be necessary to preach to them the gospel of hope, but to you people of this State, to you with a future so glorious in promise, surely it ought not to be necessary to say a word asking you to look forward and not back; to hope and not

despair; to dare and not shrink. It is the law of success to dare, to do and to endure. It is only by so acting that success can come, that you will be successful. I ask the men of the present day to stand straight for the flag that means National power and law, and orderly liberty and equal rights for all men beneath its folds."

A great demonstration was made in Colorado Springs on the arrival of the train. The Governor made a short speech in the Temple Theater and one in the Opera House. Both places were crowded. All business houses along the line of march were decorated with bunting. The escort consisted of the Flambeau Club, Grand Army of the Republic organizations and various other civic and military bodies. After halting there an hour and fifteen minutes, the train pulled out for Cripple Creek.

"Cripple Creek, Sept. 26.-On leaving Colorado Springs the Roosevelt train was split in two sections, the first stop thereafter being at Colorado City. The entire population appeared to see the New York Governor and shake his hand. Manitou was the next stop. A large crowd was assembled here to listen to the five minute talk of the campaigners. The train then moved on to Divide, where there was a pause. A call was also made at Gillette and at Independence."

"Denver, Sept. 26.-At the Broadway Theater last night, Governor Roosevelt said: 'I have just received a letter purporting to be from the Governor of Colorado, written upon official paper, requesting me, somewhat at length, to state my position on the currency question, and asking why I should not state it in Denver as well as in Chicago and Milwaukee. It is perhaps unusual in the Chief Executive of a State to attempt to dictate to a visitor within that State the subject upon which he shall speak. I am not aware that such a course has ever been followed before; but most certainly there is no question that my opponents can ask-nothing that I am not more than willing to answer, in no matter what portion of the Union it be put. I will suggest to the Governor that hereafter he will do well to read the letters of acceptance of candidates. If he had read my letter which was published in Denver exactly as in New York or Milwaukee, he would have found his questions already answered. But, without regard to that, let me state that, of course, I stand now, as I have always stood, on the platform of my party. I am for a protective tariff, the gold standard, expansion and the honor of the flag."

Roosevelt's speech at Denver, and, indeed, throughout the tour in what was called the Silver States, was a test of the moral courage of the man. The silverites at the capital of Colorado thought they had the world in wrapping paper, and that it would be a beaming exploit to strike Roosevelt on the "silver question," as they called their financial peculiarity. The Governor was used to lend his name and office, with all the dignities, to putting a question, that

according to the local lights, would be embarrassing. A few sincere words from the Republican candidate made the silver pointer at Colorado point no point. Governor Roosevelt was in favor of the gold standard. There was no equivocation about that. The absolute truth was put forth plain as an ax held up by the handle. More than that, the Governor of New York was for a protective tariff, expansion, and the honor of the flag. No truckling to Filipino traitors in that, no skulking as to expansion, no lowering the flag in dishonor that was raised in honor. And more than that, "I stand now, as I have always stood, on the platform of my party," was the last sentence the candidate uttered. Taking into consideration time, place and circumstances, there never were fifteen words put to better purpose.

An attempt was made to injure Roosevelt on his return from his long tour at the town of Waverly, New York. A stone was thrown at the Governor's car, just as the train was leaving, broke a window, but missed the man it was meant for. This welcome of the Governor was a sample of what was going on at New York four days before the election.

The speeches of the Governor were most forceful. Answering before an audience of farmers, the sneer that the Republicans were claiming for themselves the attributes of Divinity, he said:

"It is perfectly true that no legislation, no administration, can by itself bring prosperity. The wisest laws won't bring prosperity if the hand of the Lord is laid upon us. If there comes a drouth, a flood of fire, a pestilence, no law will save us from disaster. If we are guilty of folly in legislation, no administration can save us from the effects of our own foolishness, weakness or wrong-doing, and there are some people whom nothing can make prosperous. All that laws can do is this: They can be so shaped, framed and administered as to give the average man the best possible chance to use aright his own skill, thrift, courage, resolution and business capacity. This is what can be done, and this is what has been done.”

At Olean, when the Roosevelt special arrived, the Governor was transported a mile and a half across the city to a platform which had been erected in a public square. The wide main street of Olean, along which the Governor's carriage passed, had its sidewalks crowded with thousands of persons intent upon seeing the Governor and hearing him speak. Senator Higgins praised highly the Governor's administration, upon introducing him. The latter, in opening his speech, alluded to the big Republican plurality usually cast by Cattaraugus County. He said:

"I am now passing through a part of the State which can always be depended upon to roll up great majorities for the cause of decent citizenship. In this campaign that is the fundamental issue. We have a right to appeal to all men, without regard to their political affiliations in the past, to stand with