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kind—for when he died he was the foremost man of all this world, and the human race was his audience. His farewell address at Buffalo countenanced an advanced movement, looking to an adjustment of certain custom duties. Protection had done its work well, and Reciprocity was to be taken up, not to cast Protection aside, or to in the least undervalue it, but to be supported by proceeding on the lines of its logic, and perfected in its rounded-out application.
A great deal was accomplished by President McKinley in his Administration toward the union of hearts and hands between the North and South. This was not impressive as a novelty, but imposing as an assurance that all was indeed well the country through, that the new developments were not reconstruction so much as restoration. McKinley's aspirations were that the whole \ country should share the plenty, peace, glory and fame; and this was to be the "consummation devoutly to be wished" that all might be proud of one nationality; and that all the States and we, the people of the old and new United States, were under the roof of Our Father's House, and there all of us equal and feel at home to stay. The Army and Navy had obliterated sectional lines. Confederate Generals had put on the blue, and a long list of Southern heroes glorified the old flag again, and brightened the whole constellation of stars. The reception of President McKinley crossing the Continent by the Southern route, was eventful in the magnificent demonstrations aroused. It was not as protracted a journey as that of the Duke and Duchess of York and Cornwall, who visited the Dominions beyond Seas of England, but it told the story of the generation in the pageantry of peace, as well as the splendors of war. When we study the drama of the last year of McKinley's life, we can not escape the thought that he had gone so far and done so much, that the messenger of Death met him at the summit of his ambition. He was loved, honored and obeyed. He had not only the troops of friends becoming age, but all the Nations of the earth respected the records of his statesmanship, the virtues of his life and the serenity of his dignity.
President Roosevelt has been qualified by his experiences and endowments for the guidance of the Government, upon the later questions, that, like himself, have been transformed since the question whether the United States should be one or two countries was submitted to trial by arms.
The party that in 1900 was solicitous to disturb the situation and carry by popular pressure, made some progress in the agitation of certain phases of popular dissatisfaction and development of inflammatory prejudice, but had the misfortune for their adventure to have hindered themselves with a long series of causes that were so lost they seemed to be camping in grave yards.
The protective tariff, denounced as for the few against the many, turned out to be an aid to employment at home, and the people prospered, so that the strongest thing that could be shown countenancing a change, was that the distribution of the profitableness of the period was not on a basis of equality for individuals. The difficulty was in distribution.
All men knew there was need, more than ever, for laws of our Nation to defend our markets from competition that placed a premium on destitution. If we do not take care of our workingmen, who are at home with us, foreign countries are not far off. Goods may be ordered to-day in Europe by cable, and landed in a week on our shores. The distance between New York and London is not as great as in the time of Washington between the cities of Trenton and Baltimore. Foreign competition is at our doors. The value of our independence was originally largely in ability to protect ourselves, and defense of our skilled labor demands tenfold to-day that which sufficed a century ago. Then the passage of the Atlantic was counted by weeks instead of days.
Our people have had an abnormal terror about the sufficiency of the currency, of the money in the hands and pockets of the people, and there was fanaticism to the effect that it should be worthless intrinsically that it might be abundant. The gold standard was alleged to be impossible without popular impoverishment, because gold was so scarce. That standard fixed, gold was abundant, and the better the quality of the circulating medium, the lower the interest; that is, the cheaper the money in the market, the less the charge made by capital for cash to loan. These issues have passed away. We should remember the facts, but go on to take up that which is not settled.
The opposition to the National Administration, in 1904, will not rally on Free Trade or Free Silver. The "problems" first in order will be touching taxation and the civil service; and if the follies of the past are bundled up and strapped on the backs of the opponents of the possessors of power, the people capable of self-government will go on voting as they have been doing, with increasing emphasis and efficacy. The probability is, however, that there will be a serious reconstruction of party lines, and those who propose simple solutions are the more certain to find favor. Disorder will declaim about the phantom of imperialism.
It is preferable to speak of Opposition and Administration in writing history and trying to find the crucial truth of conditions. Changes in the names of parties are unlikely; for parties, however confused, have characters from which they can not rapidly escape, and the partizans are slow to ascertain the advantage of new titles. Events teach. There are laws made other than those passed by legislative bodies, and duly signed. Legislative bodies are behind the sentiments of the people, and that it is so, is conservatism.
The party in possession desires to hold that which it has, and there are certain works, clearing of decks for action of the ship of State, that carries the flag of the Commander-in-Chief, in good time; to arm with the best guns and train men to make the music of victory. The death of McKinley and the
accession of Roosevelt to the Presidency, have brought the next Presidential campaign within the horizon. When the long session of the first Congress which Roosevelt met with a great message, is at an end, the campaign will be opened, not with stump speaking, but with careful calculations, and possibly the rectification of certain ancient and imperfect alignments.
The Protective Tariff system does not foster monopoly, but there are duties levied not in the general interest, and the friends of the protective policy should disabuse the honest men who seek truth, of the feeling that there are too many tariff supporters, who wish to multiply motives for activity beyond the demands of the general good. There is no better test of the correctness of an item of Protection than that it is in harmony with Reciprocity. Hold on to Protection, and expand commerce by conceding inducements to those who desire, with us, not free, but fair trade. McKinley's farewell address will assure liberal consideration of the increase of the areas of freedom.
There is another rush that comes down upon us like a dusty wind. It is that the Government is not doing enough for the people. Consciousness that a change is needed caused assumption that surely the Government should do something. The real thing needful is to find that the Government already takes too much upon itself. Shall we arrange for a standing army of at least one million men? It is earnestly pressed upon attention that the Government of the Nation should own and operate the telegraph, the trolley, the telephone, the railroads, the steamers, the street cars of all sorts, and that the Postal service should be vastly increased, and the free delivery extended; and that there is to be something done is not improbable. If we had a Civil Service army of one million in uniform, there would be a louder call for two million men than for one, and there would be strife for classification. The municipal governments would each, under this system, have a standing army; and if there is ever one standing stronger than the people,-it will be of this kind. The means are for an official class large enough to compete with the people at large as to the location and identification of the ruling capacity.
The greater question is that of taxation. Mr. "Tom" Johnson succeeds Mr. Henry George as a single taxer, meaning the land has made war upon railroads, because they are not taxed upon full valuation. The taxation of farm land is not upon valuation equal to the market price. There is, in intimate relation with this, the question of taxing franchises. There are also questions, many and momentous, of labor legislation.
Those who read the chapters of this volume about President Roosevelt showing the deep interest he has taken in these themes, the intent watchfulness with which he regards every appearance of them in legislation, have a surprise in store when ascertaining how thoroughly and how far he