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any other that exists, was put to the proof and found secure. Such a journey as the Prince made here in three weeks would have carried him through Western Europe and included Moscow and Constantinople. It was plain the Prince would be a mark for the anarchists, and the evidence was given that we can keep order and protect public men from assassins, unless in careless confidence we forget.
When the German Emperor knew his brother was on the sea homeward bound, he telegraphed the President renewed assurances of his distinguished consideration, reiterating his high estimate of the success of the American mission; and the President responded with appropriate congratulation and excellent understanding, with taste and tact manfully and heartily with personal pleasure and official dignity.
The first impressions of our German citizens were not altogether favorable to the call of the Prince of Prussia. There is a good deal of Germany that is not Prussia, but the German Emperor has won his way with the Germans. Prince Henry, as the President said, won the hearts of the people. Those of German blood were gratified that the man was the representative, not only of the Empire but of the race. The German Emperor's proffered hand was with good will taken on both sides of the ocean.
The interest taken in the Prince of Prussia by the American people, has been without the appearance of a line of distinction between those of German and other races in Americanism. Our immense indebtedness to Germans in the formation of the character of the people at large, is indisputable. It has made way for liberty. The last meeting of the President with the Prince in Washington, was in front of the German Embassy, after a horseback ride of an hour and a half in the rain. When the Prince dismounted, the President saluted, saying, "Good-bye, my friend," and spurring his horse, warm with hard work, galloped away. The last words by both men were "my friend." They are good words, and will be made good. The civility of the President has influenced the international affairs of the Nations of the earth, for it has signalized and established the friendship for us of two Nations—the one with the greatest Army and the other with the greatest Navy the world ever saw. This comes to us because we are ourselves a World Power.
BEYOND THE OCEANS.
They Bind Us No More—We Gather the Islands of the Seas—Our Flag Flies from Zone to Zone—Raised in Honor, It Will Stay Where It Shines; Never Descend to Dishonor—Is the President a Candidate for a Full Term?
t | A HE strength of the position of the United States rests largely in the
knowledge of the great powers throughout the world that there will
be no backward step taken by Theodore Roosevelt in the progressive Duty of Destiny policy. This President McKinley immensely broadened and advanced. He could not have been persuaded or coerced by any forces, within or without our country into a war that he did not believe to be a war of honor and humanity. He was beset first by those who wanted a war for the conquest of Cuba from the Spaniards; and he was belabored because he did not accept the Key West Bureau output of dispatches of fiction as history. He knew we were fearfully and wonderfully unprepared for war when the Maine was blown up, and temporized that we might get ready our ships of war, and his common sense supported him through storms of malicious invective. He bore the burdens of a giant, and did it heroically, closing the war in victory, before the military experts thought the campaign could be opened.
Because we did not surrender to treason, fraud and murderous barbarism, in the Philippines, he was charged with all that was shameless and scandalous in unholy crusades, undertaken absolutely for imperial ambition. The cry of the weaklings and belittlers in our midst, the cranks who have assailed American growth from the beginning, that we were warring against liberty and trampling upon the Declaration of Independence, was incessant, and in some parts of the country acutely maniacal. It was, however, plain to all enlightened people, that this country was accepting Destiny as a Duty, and that we must be gainers by the victories that gave influence as one of the Great Nations. The fact that this was coming had for a generation been in the air, and that it had come was demonstrated at Manila, and Santiago, as clearly as the glory Nelson won for England on the coast of Egypt and Spain, gave to her armaments the power commanding the seas.
The message to Congress by Theodore Roosevelt was a proclamation to
the people and Nations of the earth, that the Great North American Republic T. R.—35 385
was as certain to hold her Three Archipelagoes in the Pacific as her three States bounded on the West by that ocean, over which the Nation goes on the course of Empire broad and luminous.
The pusillanimous outcry against President McKinley for his acceptance of the expansion, that wronged none and was good for all, may have touched his kindly heart with sorrow, that enmity should be so ignominious, but so tranquil was he in serene strength, that his heart was never agitated by resentment.
Theodore Roosevelt disdains the degenerate American impoverishment of blood, that would have confined the Great Nation, not trans-continental, to the one of the ocean shores that confronts Europe. The life of President Roosevelt has been full of activity, and his books of history and State papers are proof that he is an American of Americans, and believes in the policy of adding to the land of the people, no matter what islands of the seas drift to us, or what sea or zone contains them.
There is no clearer certainty that Roosevelt will go on with the McKinley policy of expansion, not only "absolutely unbroken" but extended, than there is that the people of the United States will approve the policy prolonged and augmented. We have not concluded that the world has no more land for our possession. William H. Seward is the statesman to whom we are indebted for the acquisition of Alaska and the Aleutian islands. He had the far-sighted sagacity to have compiled an official publication looking to educating the people, to take advantage of the inclination of the Danes to part with their American islands, not only in the West Indies, but to include Iceland and Greenland, but our public opinion was for a time ridiculously against the purchase of Alaska.
The fisheries of Iceland are equal to those around Newfoundland, and Greenland will yet be subjected, by the aid of modern improvements of exploration and assimilation, to the delivery of her resources to the education and occupation of mankind. There is no land or sea so frozen, and none too hot, to lack substance for usefulness. All the ridicule that could be poured out on the annexation of Greenland and Iceland to our dominions, was engaged in attempts to discredit the purchase of Alaska, and the same spirit of detraction of the gigantic and adoration of insignificance, has been manifest whenever the Nation added to its stature.
We have within a few months noted, in the current history of the world, the testimony that our accession in America of self appreciation is not esteemed abroad an effusion of vanity, but accepted as a reasonable assertion of self respect. We have been subject to the distinguished consideration of the warrior and statesman who is the artificer in chief of the modern appearance of Japan as one of the great and enlightened Nations. There is one mighty