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go forth as a stigma upon General Powell Clayton. He said: “Go cautiously, gentlemen, for we would not succeed in placing a more fitting servant in the Chair than General Powell Clayton.” At this point the official proceedings of the Convention read as follows:
“Mr. Theodore Roosevelt, of New York-I trust that the motion made by the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Lodge) will be adopted, and that we will select as Chairman of this Convention that representative Republican, Mr. Lynch, of Mississippi. Mr. Chairman, it has been said by the distinguished gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Stewart) that it is without precedent to reverse the action of the National Committee. Who has not known numerous instances where the action of a State Committee has been reversed by the State Convention ? Not one of us but has known such instances. Now there are, as I understand it, but two delegates to this Convention who have seats on the National Committee and I hold it to be derogatory to our honor, to our capacity of self-government, to say that we must accept the nomination of a presiding officer by another body, and that our hands are tied and we dare not reverse its action.
“Now, one word more. I trust that the vote will be taken by individual members, and not by States. Let each man stand accountable to those he represents for his vote. Let no man be able to shelter himself behind the shield of his State. What we say is, that one of the cardinal doctrines of the American political government is the accountability of each man to his people, and let each man stand up here and cast his vote, and then go home and abide by what he has done. It is now, Mr. Chairman, less than a quarter of a century since, in this city, the great Republican party for the first time organized for victory, and nominated Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, who broke the fetters of the slave and rent them asunder forever. It is a fitting thing for us to choose to preside over this Convention or of that race whose right to sit within these walls is due to the blood and the treasure so lavishly spent by the founders of the Republican party. And it is but a further vindication of the principles for which the Republican party so long struggled. I trust that the Hon. Mr. Lynch will be elected Temporary Chairman of this Convention.”
Mr. Roosevelt carried the roll call, and at the end of it, General Clayton, who had been absent when the State of Arkansas voted, arose and said, he desired to vote for Mr. Lynch. The record was made and the vote stood; Lynch, 424 Clayton, 384. Mr. McKinley, of Ohio, voted for Clayton. When the vote had been declared, upon motion of General Clayton, the nomination of Lynch was made unanimous.
Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts, was the member from that State of the Committee on Resolutions, and after the regular report, one was
introduced in the Convention, stating that all members were bound in honor to support the nominees of the Convention.
George A. Knight, of California, hoped that “No honest Republican would dare to stand on the floor of the Convention and vote down that resolution.” He said there were already whisperings in the air that “men who once stood high in the Republican party, openly avowed they would not support one man if he be nominated by the Convention.” The reference was to Mr. Blaine as the nominee, and to Mr. Curtis, of New York, as one who might be a bolter. There was not authority for saying so; but there were expressions of opinion to the effect that he would in any event be against Mr. Blaine, and he was pointedly indicated when Mr. Knight said: “Let all those, be they editors of newspapers or conducting great periodical journals, who refuse to support the nominee-let them be branded, that they not only come here and violate the implied faith that was put in them, but the direct and honest convictions of the Convention expressed by direct vote upon that subject.”
Mr. Curtis, touched by the remark of Mr. Knight, took the foor, and said: "A Republican and a free man I came to this Convention. By the grace of God, a Republican and a free man I will go out of this Convention.” He then recited the recall of Joshua R. Giddings, twenty-four years before, when he was retiring from the Convention that nominated Abraham Lincoln, giving this personal incident of Giddings' movement to pass out of the Convention: "As he passed my chair, and I reached out my hand (I was wellnigh a boy, and unknown to him), I said, 'Sir, where are you going?' He said to me: 'Young man, I am going out of this Convention, for I find no place in a Republican Convention for an original anti-slavery man like me.'” Mr. Giddings yielded to persuasion and took his seat, as Mr. Curtis told it, “by a universal roar of assent." The speech of Mr. Curtis then caused the recall of Giddings.
Mr. Curtis added: “The gentleman last upon the floor says that he dares any man upon the floor to vote against that resolution, I say to him, in reply, that the practical man has to do his part in the maintenance of the solid integrity of the political organization to which he is attached; that the presentation of such a resolution in such a Convention as this is a stigma, is an insult, to every honorable member who sits here.
“Ah, Mr. Chairman, this question is not a new question. In precisely, if I do not mistake, the same terms in which this is couched, it was brought up in the last Republican Convention. And a man from West Virginia-I honor his name—that man said, in the face of the roar of the gallery, in the face of all dissent-Mr. Campbell, of West Virginia—'Hold! I am a Republican who carries his sovereignty under his own hat.' Now, Mr. Chairman, Mr. Campbell's position in that Convention was supported by the wise reflection and afterthought of the Republican Convention, of 1880, under the lead of the great immortal leader, whose face confronts us there-James A. Garfield, of Ohio—under the lead of Garfield I remind my friend from California, the Convention, in taking its action, induced the gentleman who represented the resolution to withdraw the resolution from the consideration of the Convention. Now, sir, in the light of the character of the Republican party, in the light of the action of the last Republican Convention, the first Convention which I have known in which such a pledge was required of candidates or the members, I ask this Convention-mindful of all that hangs upon the wisdom, the moderation, the tolerance, the patriotism of our action-I beg this Convention to remember Lincoln, to remember Garfield, to remember the very vital principles of the Republican party, and assume that every man here is an honest and an honorable man; and vote down this resolution, which should never have appeared in a Republican Convention, as unworthy to be ratified by this concourse of free men that I see before me."
Mr. Dolph, of Oregon, moved to lay the resolution on the table. Mr. Hawkins, of Tennessee, who had introduced it, said: "Before the vote on that resolution shall be taken, I wish to withdraw it; it was voted for in the last Convention by Chester A. Arthur and James A. Garfield.”
The silence of Mr. Roosevelt, who was, though perhaps the youngest man in the Convention, the head of the New York delegation, through this interesting debate—the fact that he did not take the floor and add his voice to that of Mr. Curtis, is testimony of the instinctive understanding he had, and which he has often manifested, as consistent with the very ideals of personal independence in public affairs, that the practical man is under the obligation to uphold the authority of organization.
One of the noticeable things in the career of President Roosevelt is, that while he is the youngest President of the United States, by several years, the beginning of his leadership and of his good faith with the organization of the party to which he declared his allegiance, was a long time ago, and has been illustrated in experiences of extraordinary variety and of wholesome educational influence.
It is no part of the purpose of this work that this chapter of it shall be a history of the Convention of 1884; but the study of the characteristics of that Convention, the individualities that were dominant in it, and the atmosphere of it, as they are associated with the words and actions of Mr. Roosevelt, as a member of it of much distinction, is most interesting and instructive.
There was associated in the New York delegation with Mr. Roosevelt, whose residence was New York City, Andrew D. White, President of Cornell University, residence Ithaca; George William Curtis, whose residence was West New Brighton, Staten Island; Silas B. Dutcher, of Brooklyn; John A. King, of Great Neck, Long Island ;' Anson G. McCook; Wm. H. Robertson; Benjamin B. Odell; Hamilton Fish, Jr.; Martin I. Townsend; Thomas C. Platt, of Owego, the Twenty-sixth District; James W. Wadsworth, of Genesee; James H. Huested, of Peakskill; John D. Lawson, of New York City.
Senator—then Governor-J. B. Foraker was the Chairman of the Ohio delegation; and the name of William McKinley, Jr., with the address of Canton, appears between that of Senator Foraker, of Cincinnati, and Senator Hanna, of Cleveland. Until the death of his father, President McKinley always wrote his name with the attachment “Jr.”
When the Convention had under consideration the adoption of its rules, Mr. Thurston, of Nebraska, desired the rule read regarding the manner of balloting, stating it was not understood what number of votes was necessary to nominate. After some cross-firing, there was a movement that the report of the Committee on Rules and Order of Business should be adopted, and upon that motto, the previous question was demanded. The official report contains the following:
“Mr. Roosevelt, of New York-Will the gentleman give way for one moment for a question for information?
"The President-Does the gentleman yield?
“Mr. Bayne—I do not yield my motion. I will yield to the inquiry of the gentleman from New York.
"The President–The gentleman from Pennsylvania moves the adoption of the report, and upon that motion calls for the previous question.
“Mr. Roosevelt—The gentleman has given way to me for a question of information. I thank the gentleman for his courtesy. My question for information is, Has there not been a minority report prepared or presented, as I certainly understood there was to be by certain members of the committee, looking to reorganization of the representation in this Conventionin the next Convention? I did not understand, from the reading of the rules, and neither did several of the members who are round about me, what provisions, if any, were made for the representation of Republicans in future National Conventions; but I knew that there had been a strong feeling among certain members of the committee itself, as well as among the Convention at large, that there should be some reorganization by which the number of delegates to the next Convention should be more nearly proportionate to the Republican votes cast in their respective States; and I merely rose to ask if any such minority report had been presented.
“Mr. Parks—I stated, when I made my report, that the committee had withheld the report upon that resolution, and would make it as soon as the minority could prepare their report.
“Mr. Roosevelt-I did not understand that, and I did not distinctly hear the remarks made by the gentleman from California when he first got up. I withdraw the question.” When the platform reported to the Convention, the record reads:
“REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS. “Mr. Bayne, of Pennsylvania-I would like to inquire of the Chair whether the Committee on Resolutions is ready to report.
“The President (Mr. McKinley of Ohio, in the chair)—The report of the Committee on Resolutions is ready; and if Mr. Grow, of Pennsylvania, will take the chair, I will read the report of the committee.
"Mr. Grow took the chair and said:-The Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions will now report.
“Mr. McKinley, of Ohio—I am directed by the unanimous vote of the Committee on Resolutions to present the following report.”
William McKinley was Chairman, and William Walter Phelps, Secretary, of the Platform Committee.
The reading of the report was clear, ringing, and most effective.
The nominating speeches were of great interest. The first was the presentation of the name of General Hawley, of Connecticut, by Mr. Brandegee. The second was the nomination of John A. Logan, the record says, by "Mr. Shelby M. Cullom, who came to the platform amid great applause.” The third nomination was by Judge West, of Ohio, who presented the name of James G. Blaine. The late Senator Cushman K. Davis, of Minnesota, seconded the nomination of Blaine. Colonel William Cassius Goodlow, of Kentucky, also seconded Mr. Blaine's nomination; and Mr. Thomas C. Platt, of New York, seconded also the nomination of Mr. Blaine, saying he did so with pleasure, believing that Blaine's turn had come, that expediency and justice demanded the nomination of Blaine, and the Republican people of the Republican States that must give the Republican majorities, wanted him. Mr. Galusha A. Grow also seconded the nomination. Mr. Martin I. Townsend, when New York was called, nominated Chester A. Arthur. Mr. Bingham, of Pennsylvania, seconded the nomination of Arthur. Mr. Lynch, of Mississippi, and Mr. Winston, of North Carolina, and Mr. Pinchback, of Louisiana, seconded the nomination of Arthur. Mr. Foraker, of Ohio, nominated John Sherman. Mr. Holt, of Kentucky, seconded the nomination of Sherman. Mr. J. D. Long, of Massachusetts, nominated George F. Edmunds; and Mr. George William Curtis, of New York, seconded the nomination. The speeches