XXXIV. 1785. CHAP. point at iffue, to convince a hearer in the fenate, and induce him to vote as the speaker defired. The part of his reasoning that appeared fpecifically applicable to the fubject before the house was adduced, to demonftrate that the alleged debts arofe from a collufion between the nabob and certain fervants of the company, who had been guilty of the most heinous fraud, oppreffion, and cruelty: forcibly animated and highly coloured was the picture he drew, of tyranny and fuffering, guilt and mifery, in British India, as the refult of the alleged connivance; but fince, as a chain of logical deduction, the evidence did not make out the case, the motion was negatived; and in the house of peers a fimilar propofition was rejected. On the eighteenth of April, Mr. Pitt again introduced his propofitions for a reform in parliament. Defirous, as the minifter profeffed himself, of such a change in the reprefentation as he conceived most confiftent with the principles, and conducive to the objects of the conftitution, he was aware of the danger of effays of reform, unless very nicely modified and circumfcribed. The general characteristics of his plan for that purpose, were caution and fpecification: nothing vague or indefinite was propofed; no chafm was left which vifionary imaginations might fill with their own diftempered fancies : thus far fhalt thou go and no farther, was obviously expreffed in the extent and bounds. The leading principle was, that the choice of legiflators fhould follow fuch circumftances as give an intereft in their acts, and therefore ought in a great degree to be attached to property. This principle being efta blished, XXXIV. 1735. into parlia ment, lished, it was obvious, that as many very confider. CHA P., able towns and bodies either had no vote in electing representatives, or had not the privilege of chufing a number proportioned to their property, it would be neceffary to disfranchise certain decayed boroughs. In relations between government and fubject it was a manifest rule in jurifprudence on the one hand, that the intereft of a part must give way to the intereft of the whole; but on the other, that when fuch a facrifice is required from a subject, the state should amply compensate individual lofs incurred for the public good. Guided is introduced by these maxims of ethics, Mr. Pitt propofed to transfer the right of chufing reprefentatives from thirty-fix of fuch boroughs as had already fallen, or were falling into decay, to the counties, and to fuch chief towns and cities as were at prefent unreprefented; that a fund should be provided for the purpofe of giving to the owners and holders of the boroughs disfranchised, an appreciated compenfation; that the that the acceptance of this recompence should be a voluntary act of the proprietor, and, if not taken at prefent, fhould be placed out at compound interest, until it became an irresistible bait to fuch proprietor: he also projected to extend the right of voting for knights of the fhire to copyholders as well as freeholders. The chief arguments in favour of a reform were derived from the alleged partiality of representation; an active, reforming, and regulating policy, which kept pace with the alterations in the country, was requifite to preferve the conftitution in its full vigour when any part of our system was decayed, it had ever been the wifdom of the legiflaF 3 ture XXXIV. 1785. CHAP. ture to renovate and restore it by fuch means as were most likely to anfwer the end propofed; and hence had arifen the frequent alterations that had taken place with refpect to the rule of reprefentation. From a change of circumstances, towns which once ought to have a vote in chufing a fenator or fenators, now behoved to have none; and towns once without any juft claim to the right of fuch an election, were now aggrieved and injured by the want of that privilege. The principle continued the fame in both the former and the latter, but its application fhould be altered in a differ, ence of cafe. The oppofers of reform, on the other hand, contended, that no neceffity had been fhewn for fuch a change; that whatever inequalities theory might exhibit in the existing system, the people were all actually reprefented, as far as was neceffary to their rights and happiness; that no man could be deprived of liberty, property, or life, but by his own act, whether he had a vote for a member of parliament or not; that under the prefent mode of representation, both individual and national profperity had rifen to a very great pitch, and was rapidly rifing to a higher; that it was extremely dangerous to alter what experience, the only fure teft of political truth, had uniformly fhewn to be good*. The people did not want reform; the large Never, perhaps, were the arguments on this fide of the queflion more clearly exhibited, than those which are compreffed into a page of one of the most valuable works that can be recorded in the literary history of the prefent reign. Paley, in his Principles of moral and political Philofophy, refting the XXXIV. large towns that were faid to be aggrieved by the CHAP. present state of reprefentation had made no complaint, or fought any redress; those which were called rotten and decayed boroughs were frequently the question concerning representation, as well as every political establishment, folely on expediency, fays, "We confider it (representation) fo far only as a right at all, as it conduces to public utility; that is, as it contributes to the establishment of good laws, or as it fecures to the people the just administration of thefe laws. Thefe effects depend upon the difpofition and abilities of the national counsellors: wherefore, if men the most likely, by their qualifications, to know and to promote the public intereft, be actually returned to parliament, it fignifies little who return them. If the propereft perfons be elected, what matters it by whom they are elected? At leaft no prudent ftatefman would fubvert long established or even fettled rules of reprefentation, without a profpect of procuring wifer or better reprefentatives. This then being well obferved, let us, before we seek to obtain any thing more, confider duly what we already have. We have a house of commons compofed of five hundred and forty-eight members, in which number are found the most confiderable land-holders and merchants of the kingdom, the heads of the army, the navy, and the laws; the occupiers of great offices in the ftate, together with many private individuals, eminent by their knowledge, eloquence, or activity. Now, if the country be not fafe in fuch hands, in whofe may it confide its intereft? If fuch a number of fuch men be liable to the influence of corrupt motives, what affembly of men will be fecure from the fame danger? Does any new fcheme of reprefentation promife to collect together more wisdom or produce firmer integrity? In this view of the fubject, and attending not to ideas of order and proportion (of which many minds are much enamoured), but to known effects alone, we may difcover juft excufes for those parts of the prefent representation which appear to a hafty obferver most exceptionable and abfurd." Paley, vol. ii. P. 219. represented F 4 1785. XXXIV. 1785. CHAP. represented by gentlemen who had the greatest stake in the country, and confequently were as much concerned in its welfare as any other reprefentatives. Mr. Pitt's propofitions were negatived by a majority of two hundred and forty-eight to one hundred and seventy-four. and nega tived by a great ma. jority. State of Ireland. Parliament was this year principally occupied by forming arrangements for a commercial intercourfe between Great Britain and Ireland. We have seen that, in the year 1780, the trade of Ireland had been freed from the hurtful reftrictions by which it had long been shackled. In 1782, the independence of Irish parliament had been for ever established. It remained for the legislature of the two countries to arrange a system of commer. cial intercourse, which might best promote the ad, vantage of the two parties fo nearly connected, The freedom of trade had afforded to Ireland the means of improvement; of which the fuccefs must depend on the active, well directed, and perfevering industry of the inhabitants; as without thofe exertions, the mere exemption from former restriction could be of little avail; no effectual measures had hitherto been employed for exciting and cherishing fo beneficial a fpirit: the manufacturers had for fome years been much engaged in political fpeculations, which, by abftracting their attention from their own business, naturally caused great distress; and that distress, discontent and violence. Various expedients were attempted for their relief. In 1784, Mr. Gardener brought forward a plan for protecting their own manufactures, and enforcing the confumption of them at home, by laying heavier duties on |