32D CONG.....2D Sess.

mous expense, which has been justified by the incalculable benefit some of these, as the Erie canal, have been to the country and to the West. But besides the expensiveness of using these artificial channels-and that is no trifle, for the Erie canal levied $3,000,000 last year in tolls on produce going east and on merchandise going west-there is another and still more serious objection: they are inadequate to our wants; not all the railroads and canals that have been constructed since the Erie canal, are able yet to meet the demands of our

commerce.

The trade of the great lakes in 1851 was $326,000,000, or more by $40,000,000 than the exports of the whole country. This trade employs some two hundred and fifteen thousand tons of shipping, of which about two thirds are in sailing vessels, and about one third is propelled by steam. The sum invested in this shipping is over $8,000,000, and so long as we are not permitted to use the river St. Lawrence, this $8,000,000 is compelled to lie idle and unproductive for about one third of the year, while the interest on the capital thus invested is running up to $250,000. If the navigation of the St. Lawrence were secured to us, a large proportion of this shipping would load up in the fall with the produce of the West, and run down the St. Lawrence and out to sea before

the ice had closed the river. During the winter, voyages would be made to England, to the Mediterranean, to the West Indies, or to South America. In the spring they would return, bringing cargoes from the countries they had visited, or they would bring fish from the Provinces, pass up the river again, and be on the lakes in time for the summer trade.

A gentleman near me remarks "that the lake craft dare not venture upon a navigation so dangerous as that of the Gulf of St. Lawrence.' To that I reply, that the men who dare to sail on Lake Erie, where there is neither depth of water nor sea-room, will not be afraid of that gulf, nor of any other place where money is to be made. A few years since, a vessel started from Cleveland, loaded with western produce, and carrying some of my neighbors as passengers; she went down the St. Lawrence, by special permission, then out to sea, and round by Cape Horn to San Francisco, in safety-thus practically solving this problem; and it was not inappropriate, therefore, that she was named the Eureka. Make the river free to us, and thousands of vessels will follow in the same course.

Railroad to the Pacific-Mr. Smith.

say nothing of the various rapids between the head
waters of the St. Lawrence and its mouth, there is
Niagara, where alone seems to be power enough
to turn all the wheels in the world. Hitherto this
prodigious accumulation of power has run to
waste. This cannot be suffered longer. The people
who tame the lightning, and compel it to run on
errands, will soon put bands on this old giant, and
compel him to grind in the prison-house. There
is, therefore, in nature nothing wanting to make
this valley the great manufacturing region of the
country but the removal of those commercial re-
strictions which alone prevent the development of
its immense resources.

COAST FISHERIES, ETC.

We have still another inducement to adopt a liberal measure of reciprocity, inasmuch as on this is likely to depend a satisfactory adjustment of the difficulties growing out of the coast fisheries. By an existing convention, as we all understand, our vessels are not permitted to fish within a marine league of the shores of the British Provinces, nor have they the privilege of drying and packing on shore. By the first of these prohibitions they are excluded from the best fishing-grounds; by the second, they are prevented from securing properly what they do take. From both these restrictions they would gladly escape, and it is not surprising that both are often disregarded; and hence Great Britain has to send ships-of-war to secure to the fishermen of the Provinces the enjoyment of their monopoly. Our vessels are often seized, and much irritation and some danger grows out of it. If we can offer to the British Provinces a liberal scheme of reciprocal free trade, it is understood they will surrender all exclusive right to take fish upon their coasts, and our fishermen will have free access to the best fishing-grounds in the world. Should this arrangement be made, every family in the Union may be benefited, because fish may then be obtained at lower rates and of better quality. In its national bearings, this free access to the provincial fishing-grounds is universally conceded to be of vast importance. The fishing trade thus opened will give employment to tens of thousands of men and boys, and so become the great nursery for seamen, from which our naval and mercantile marine may always be supplied. The importance of this consideration cannot easily be overestimated.

of its particular interests, even temporarily, while
it is of vital importance to a large portion of the
country, and will, by its direct effects, or by the
collateral advantages secured in connection with
it, be highly beneficial to the whole. So far as
this measure goes, it is a step in the right direction;
it knocks off some of the fetters with which com-
merce has too long been bound. I believe that
"sound policy requires a system of free trade with
all nations that will trade free with the United
States." We think this especially true in refer-
ence to these neighboring Provinces, settled, as
they are to a great extent, by a people having the
same origin, language, and pursuits; being, in fact,
in many instances our relatives or friends, and often
separated from us merely by an imaginary line.
It is for the interest of these neighbors to trade
and make exchanges, and they will do it. Then,
why not openly permit what you cannot and ought
not to prevent?

We come, then, to the conclusion that this measure of reciprocal free trade with Canada will not The people living in the valley of the St. Law-injure any section of this Union, nor scarcely any rence are of the opinion that the Government of the United States ought to make an effort in reference to this river as decided as that which was so successfully and properly made in 1803, to secure the freedom of the Mississippi. The St. Lawrence is to the North and West what the Mississippi is to the West and South. The valley of the St. Lawrence is not less important to the country than the valley of the Mississippi. It contains half a million of square miles, embracing, on our side of the line, western Vermont, northern and western New York, northwestern Pennsylvania, the northern portions of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, the whole of Michigan, and part of Wisconsin and Minnesota. It already has a population exceeding four millions, and it is not unworthy of note in estimating its future, that it lies within those latitudes where the densest population of the Old World is to be found. With the exception of the agricultural, the most important resources of this great valley are almost entirely undeveloped. Scarcely anything has yet been done to open to the world the immense mineral resources of the Lake Superior region. Around that vast inland sea the whole country almost seems to be but a succession of rich ore beds; copper, iron, and lead are found there in greater abundance than elsewhere in the world. When the ship canal around the Falls of the St. Mary's river, now about being commenced, shall have been completed, the whole mineral wealth of this region will be made available. Millions of tons of coal from Ohio and from Pennsylvania will be carried thither, and copper and iron brought back in return. But besides the agricultural and mineral resources of the St. Lawrence valley, it is possessed of unequaled hydraulic power, which is to be applied, and at no distant day, to manufacturing purposes. To

I know that some of the friends of this measure have doubts of its success at the present session. We are now near its close, and perhaps attention has not been sufficiently turned to this subject. Lest these fears should prove to be well founded, which, however, I am not willing to believe, I take this occasion to say that this beneficial measure can certainly be secured if those interested in the commerce of the valley of the St. Lawrence will bestir themselves. The subject is but imperfectly understood even by those most immediately interested. The press must do its work, and the public mind must be informed and aroused. Let the Representatives to Congress from this noble valley come thoroughly posted up on this question, and prepared at the outset to insist that the most efficient man from the whole lake region be placed on the Committee on Commerce. Finally, let them

SENATE.

act in concert, and whatever is not obtained at this session will be secured at the next.

Before taking my seat, Mr. Speaker, I would move an amendment to the bill by inserting the word "coal" among the articles enumerated in the first section. I desire also to move an amendment in reference to lumber, but as there is now pending a motion to commit, these amendments, I know, would not be in order. I hope to have an opportunity to propose them at the proper time. There is, however, another change which I very much desire, and as I cannot move it as an amendment, I ask that by general consent it may be made as a correction. The bill provides for the free exchange of undried fruit, while dried fruit is not embraced within its provisions. The south shore of Lake Erie is a beautiful fruit region; our peaches are equal to those of New Jersey, and our apples I think the best in the country. These apples in the undried state are barreled up for exportation, and this trade is of some consequence to us, but our trade in dried apples and peaches is, I believe, much more important, and restrictions on it would operate severely on the fairest portion of our constituents. Sir, the pretty daughters of our western farmers have a commendable way of making their pin-money by drying this fruit. I trust, therefore, that no gentleman will think of raising an objection to a correction, so that the bill instead of "undried fruits," may read "fruits dried and undried."

The SPEAKER. No objection is made. The Clerk will make the correction.

Mr. TOWNSHEND. Then I conclude, sir, by expressing the hope, that when the bill comes up for final action, it will first be amended, and then passed.

Mr. GWIN. Agreed! let us have a vote. Mr. COOPER. I desire to address the Senate on the subject, and cannot consent to forego the privileges of the floor.

Several SENATORS, to Mr. SMITH. Go on! Go on!

Mr. SMITH. I must, then, throw myself on the indulgence of the Senate in submitting a few remarks, which I trust will be accorded to me, if for no other reason, in consideration of the fact that I seldom obtrude myself on the notice of this body, and never except to discuss some matter of practical importance. I have taken no part in the discussion of a variety of questions which have been raised here touching our foreign relations, and which have occupied a large portion of our time during the present session, to the exclusion of this and other matters deeply concerning the welfare of the American people. But though we are brought very late to an examination of this bill, I hope enough of time and opportunity remains to enable us to make an enlightened and proper disposition of the question before u what, sir, is that question? It is whether we shall now adopt a measure commended to our confidence by the deliberations of some of the ablest and most experienced members of this body.

And

I confess, Mr. President, I have concluded, contrary to my first impression, that it is my duty to acquiesce in the result of those deliberations, and to give the bill before us, with slight exceptions, my cordial support. It is true I did, very early in the debate, express the opinion that it would

1853.]

32D CONG....2D SESS.

APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE.

Railroad to the Pacific-Mr. Smith.

fers on the contractors corporate powers, which
would seem to be quite important, if not indispens-
able, to a proper execution of the contract, the
convenience of the parties, and the safety of the
capital to be advanced by them.

To this bill the honorable Senator from Penn-
sylvania [Mr. BRODHEAD] has proposed an amend-
ment, the only effect of which will be to adjourn
over the whole project for an indefinite period. He
moves to strike out the enacting clause, and to sub-
stitute a provision for such explorations and sur-
veys, by and under the direction of the Secretary
of War, as he may deem advisable to ascertain the
most practicable and economical route, for a rail-
road from the Mississippi to the Pacific; and also
a further provision authorizing and requiring the
Secretary to receive proposals from individuals or
associations, for the construction of the road, to be
laid before Congress at its next session.

be impracticable, during the present short session,
so to arrange and settle the general plan and de-
tails of a bill as that it would command the sup-
port of the two Houses of Congress. I therefore
insisted that nothing more could be done than to
make provision for such surveys and explorations
as would be required for a proper and just appre-
ciation of the subject by the next Congress. But
the Select Committee, at the head of which my
honorable and excellent friend, the Senator from
Texas, [Mr. RUSK,] has been placed, has satisfied
me that I was mistaken. They have brought be-
fore us a bill which seems to me to have been well
considered, and to be substantially right, both in
its general plan and details. I am, therefore, for
pressing this bill to a vote; I am for taking the
judgment of the Senate on the subject, and let
those incur the responsibility who would defeat
the measure and postpone even the commence-
ment of this work for two years longer. Be it
remembered, if we do not act now, no bill can
be got through the next Congress until July or
August, 1854, and that little or nothing can be
done to advance the measure until the spring of
1855. Hence, sir, I rejoice at the success of the
committee, and I desire to proffer to them my cor-
dial thanks for their indefatigable labors. If noth-nomical, as an indispensable preliminary to the
ing is now done on this important subject, no one
can think of laying the blame at their door.

I repeat, Mr. President, I consider this bill substantially right. I do not mean that either the general plan or details are such as I would have proposed. I suppose if every honorable member were to be charged with a subject like this, susceptible of an infinite variety of plans and details, each would adopt a measure having a specific character, and differing from that of every other member. If we are to wait until every member has before him exactly the scheme he would prefer, we should wait until the end of time. I feel myself under an obligation to lay aside my preferences and my notions of what would be best in dealing with such a subject. If I can find in the bill a plan that is practicable, and which does not compromit any great public interest, or violate any fundamental principle, it will be enough for me. I shall feel it to be my duty to accord to it my support.

rate one.

SENATE.

a single or double track, nor whether it shall be
finished in five years or twenty-five. The idea of
getting any valuable information for the guidance
of Congress in this strange way, cannot of course
be seriously entertained by one so eminently prac-
Without intending
tical as the honorable mover.

any disrespect to the Senator, I have to say I con-
sider his proposition a mere evasion of the question
before us. I think it would be better to reject the
bill at once, than to adopt a measure so utterly fu-
tile and impracticable. I understood him to avow,
with a commendable frankness, that his object is to
defeat the bill; but I think it would be more manly
and more statesmanlike to defeat it by a direct and
positive negation, rather than by a substitution
which on its face amounts to nothing and can come
to nothing.

Without dwelling any further on the substitute which has been offered by the honorable and very

This amendment, Mr. President, will, if adapt-worthy Senator from Pennsylvania, I proceed to ed, be in substance a rejection of the bill, and a repudiation of the labors of the committee. It is certain, that if we are to have a thorough exploration and survey of all the various routes, and the costs of each precisely ascertained so that we may determine which is the most practicable and eco

action of Congress, the work cannot be commenced
in many years.

The honorable Senator would seem to contem-
plate a survey of all possible routes, and of all
possible modifications of each route, for in no
other way can the question of comparative prac-
ticability and economy be settled. Of course he
must cause a survey to be made by way of the
South Pass to the navigable waters of the Colum-
bia, if not to Puget's Sound, and then, also, by the
same pass, to San Francisco. He must cause a
survey to be made by way of New Mexico and
Walker's Pass, to the Pacific; and then he must
take up each of these general routes, and examine
all the various modifications which may be sug-
gested. He must also ascertain what is the num-
ber of square yards of embankments, excavations,
and masonry, which would be required on each
route, together with the cost of viaducts, depôts,
and other structures, indispensable to the proper
working of a railroad. He would be obliged to
organize several corps of engineers, and employ
them on different parts of the work, and each
would have to be protected by detachments from
the Army. How long would it take to execute
such a work, and what amount of expenditure
would be required?

And what, Mr. President, is the object contemplated by this bill, and what is the scheme by which that object is to be reached? The former is one of the most magnificent which could be proposed to an American Senate, being no less than the establishment of a railroad and telegraphic Fortunately, we have the lights of experience communication between the navigable waters of to guide us. On the 30th of May next it will be the Mississippi river, or one of its tributaries, and four years since we commenced running the boundthose of the Pacific coast, and this, too, wholly ary between the United States and Mexico, in conwithin our own territory-an enterprise of vast formity with the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. magnitude, which, when accomplished, cannot fail The work has not been finished to this day, and to produce results of infinite consequence to ourselves, and to the world. The scheme is a mode- has cost us half a million of dollars; and yet at least one half of that boundary consisted of It does not involve an appropriation of rivers; and with respect to the other half we had any considerable amount of the public treasure, and certainly no part of the public domain now of nothing to do but to draw a line from point to much value, and yet it holds out such encourage-point on the surface of the earth, and mark it by ments for the investment of private capital, and the enlistment of private enterprise, as to make the execution of the work, within a reasonable period, morally certain. The bill sets aside $20,000,000 for this work, to be advanced as it progresses, and grants in the States alternate sections of the public lands, on each side of the road, for six miles in width, and in the Territories, for twelve miles in width. It makes it the duty of the President, after obtaining the requisite information, to fix the termini and general course of the road, and then directs him to enter into a contract, after public notice, with the lowest bidders, for the construction of the road and telegraphic line, with regulations and details which need not be specified. The contractors are to own the road and line, and to levy tolls subject to the supervision and control of Congress to a certain extent, and are to surrender them up to the United States at the end of thirty years, should Congress so elect on terms which would seem to be equitable and just. In the mean time, they are to be subjected to such burdens by the free transportation of the mails, and the officers, troops, and property of the United States, as are likely, in course of thirty years, to be more than an equivalent for the money advanced and the land granted. The bill also con

suitable monuments. How infinitely more vast
is the undertaking proposed by the honorable Sen-
ator! Estimates of embankments, excavations,
masonry, and other matters appertaining to a rail-
road, would be found to be quite a different affair
from merely settling a line, as in the case of the
United States and Mexico. I verily believe the
surveys that would be necessary to enable Con-
gress to determine which is the most practicable
and most economical route would require more
time and a larger expenditure of money than the
construction of the road itself.

But the honorable Senator [Mr. BRODHEAD]
requires the Secretary of War to receive proposals
for the construction of a road from the valley of
the Mississippi to the Pacific ocean, and to lay
them before Congress at the next session. How
can proposals be made when the honorable Senator
does not condescend to inform us how, when, or
where this road is to be constructed? He does not
say whether it is to be a road to the Columbia
river or to San Francisco, or if to the latter point,
whether it shall have its course through the South
Pass or by New Mexico;-whether its eastern
terminus shall be on the Mississippi or at some
point in the western boundary of Arkansas, Mis-
souri, or Iowa;-whether it is to be a road with

say that there are three different methods which
can be adopted, to provide for the construction of
this work. The first is to make it exclusively a
Government work, to be executed by the national
Executive, in conformity with the directions of
Congress, and at the proper cost of the national
would attend this plan, provided the contract
Treasury. It is believed that great advantages
system be adopted, and the contractors be compen-
sated in part out of the public domain. The con-
tract system would, in my judgment, be indispen-
sable to a proper economy. If it were executed
after the fashion of the Cumberland road, I do not
hesitate to say it would cost three or four times as
But by letting the road
much as it ought to cost.
out in sections to the lowest bidders, I suppose the
and would not greatly exceed the cost of roads
outlay could be brought within reasonable limits,
constructed by private enterprise and capital in
various parts of the country. If, then, we were to
add compensation in part from the public domain,
in the usual manner, the requisitions on the Treas-
ury would be reduced so low that they could be
promptly met without serious inconvenience to
any branch of the public service. But this scheme
is not now before us, and therefore I need not
dwell on it further.

A second method would be to make the con-
struction of the road exclusively a private under-
taking, and to put the work into the hands of such
citizens as may be disposed to furnish the requisite
capital, and would execute the work on the most
favorable terms for the public; leaving it to their
own sagacity and sense of interest to fix its termini
and general course, together with all the details of
location, making them such compensation in land,
or money, or both, as may be deemed adequate,
just, and equitable. It is safe to say that what-
ever would be best for the stockholders in respect
to the location and general course of the road,
would be quite likely, nay, morally certain, to ac-
cord with the public interests. The sagacity and
shrewdness of private enterprise would be no un-
safe arbiter of questions which it might be diffi-
The third method is the one which we have be-
cult to settle in the two Houses of Congress.
fore us; it is the intermediate method, where gov-
ernmental control and capital is combined to some
extent with individual control and capital. The
Government is to fix the termini of the road, and
its general course throughout, and the details of lo-
cation and execution of the work is to be confided
to such citizens as may be disposed to furnish the
capital requisite for the consummation of this great
enterprise. I need not, Mr. President, enter into a
comparison of these three methods. The honor-
able committee have seen fit to adopt the last, and
I can see no superior advantages in either of the
two former to induce me to reject the latter. I
therefore have made up my mind to support it.

But there are some objections which have been made to this plan, which I wish to notice briefly. They have been examined, and as I humbly conceive, refuted with signal ability by my honorable and excellent friend, the Senator from Tennessee, [Mr. BELL,] who has just resumed his seat.

It has been asserted by honorable Senators, and among others the honorable Senator from South Carolina, [Mr. BUTLER,] to whose opinions I have ever been disposed to listen with deference and respect, that this bill proposes to confer on the Executive, or the chief of the incoming Administra

32D CONG.....2D SESS.

tion, a power which is unprecedented in the history of the country. I fully admit the extent and magnitude of the power proposed to be conferred. To fix the termini of this road, and to lay down or establish its general course, is to decide questions which deeply concern the welfare of the whole country; and yet I cannot see how we can do better than to place the disposition of these questions in the hands of the Executive. I think we can do so, under the circumstances of the case, with safety and propriety.

I am apprehensive, Mr. President, that I shall be obliged to pay a poor compliment to the two Houses of Congress, for I am constrained to say, as the result of many years' observation, that I have as much confidence in the impartiality, sound discretion, and high sense of patriotism and duty, of the President elect-nay, a good deal morethan I have in the collective judgment and wisdom of the two Houses of Congress. I am not among those who share the responsibility of his elevation to the Presidency. I supported, with whatever of effort I was capable, another citizen, who had rendered his country services such as no man now living can boast of, and who, I thought, by his great experience, his generous and patriotic course, his unspotted life, and his transcendent abilities, was entitled to fill the chief executive office. But my wishes, my opinions, and my efforts, were overruled, and, like a good citizen, I cheerfully acquiesce in the result. The President elect has received a high expression of the confidence of his countrymen. The North and the South, the East and the West, supported him with unexampled unanimity, and it is my sincere desire that his Administration may be successful-may conduce to the prosperity of the American people, and to the success of our free system of government. I shall oppose to that Administration no factious opposition, and shall be governed, on all occasions, by a proper sense of right and of duty.

And what, after all, is this power to be vested in the hands of the Executive, which some honorable Senators seem to suppose so tremendous? Why may we not confide it to the Executive, and where is the hazard? Do we not at every session appropriate from forty to fifty millions of dollars for various branches of the public service, and is not the expenditure of these vast sums confided, in a great degree, to Executive discretion and Executive agency?

In the present instance he will have only to fix the termini and general course of the proposed road; and coming, as he does, from New England, from the remote East, his mind will be free from all bias, and in a condition to dispose of the question on its true merits. It seems to be an assumption here that the President is to settle this matter by his own unaided judgment; but it is not so. He will, in the first place, have the counsel and assistance of his Cabinet, composed of no less than seven citizens of the country (I shall venture to presume) of high ability and standing. He will also have the power to organize a board of officers, if he shall be pleased to do so. It will be his duty to cause the surveys to be made in advance, and to obtain all the requisite information to enable him and those whom he may call to his assistance, to determine what should be done. I desire to know whether results, such as the President would be likely to arrive at, with all the surveys and explorations before him, and with the assistance of his Cabinet, and, as the case may be, of a board of officers of distinguished ability, would not be quite as likely to accord with the public interests as any judgment we shall get from the two Houses of Congress? I hope I shall not be considered out of order when I say that the two Houses have reduced themselves to such a state, that they are competent to do little more than pass the general appropriation bills, and that they do after a sad fashion. In the House of Representatives I believe it is seldom in order to do what should be done, and nearly the whole of the public business there has to be transacted in violation of the rules, or, in other words, by suspending them. Here we have no previous question, no means of closing a debate. Hence nearly the whole of every session is occupied in discussing a few topics, and those, too frequently, of no practical importance, and much the larger proportion of the business before us we are obliged to act on with

Railroad to the Pacific-Mr. Smith.

out debate, or not act on it at all. We have so
much liberty of debate, that we really have none
at all as to most of the matters calling for the ac-
tion of Congress. Hence, after many weary
months in listening, with what patience we can
muster, to never-ending disquisitions, relating to
anything else than legitimate subjects of legisla-
tion, we find the moment at hand when the session
must be closed. We then snatch up the appropria-
tion bills and hurl them through the two Houses,
much as shot may be thrown out of a shovel. No-
body knows what they are, or what they provide
for, unless the honorable members of the Com-
mittee on Finance of the Senate, and on Ways
and Means of the House, be exceptions. What
a rush do we witness, of secretaries, clerks, and
messengers, to and from the two Houses, and to
and from each and the Executive, all in hot haste,
lest this or that appropriation should be lost by
the advent of the inexorable hour.

Now, suppose all the surveys and explorations
contemplated by the honorable Senator from Penn-
sylvania should be made, and all the different
routes estimated, planned, and laid down on maps,
(the world would hardly contain the books which
would be written,) and the whole of this vast
amount of information should be pitched into the
two Houses of Congress, what would become of
it? What chance would there be that the subject
would receive a dispassionate and a proper examin-
ation? Should we not have interminable debates,
and either no result or a very unfortunate one,
rushed through on the very heel of the session?
And, then, what heart-burnings, what jealousies,
what sectional dissensions should we not have!
Would not the opponents of this policy, reinforced
by those who are dissatisfied with this or that
location, be sure to defeat the whole scheme? In-
deed, on the question whether the fixing of the
termini and the general course of the road shall or
shall not be referred to the Executive Departments,
depends, in my judgment, the question whether
we shall or shall not have a railroad to the Pacific.
The committee have hit on the only practicable
scheme. With the President, there will be a
proper sense of responsibility, high intelligence,
and a just appreciation of the true interests of the
country. I am satisfied there will be no want of
either inclination, ability, or effort, on the part of
the incoming Executive, to make a wise and safe
disposition of this entire matter. It is possible
that a reference to the President may cause a loca-
tion contrary to my present impressions of expe-
diency. I prefer the route by the South Pass, if
practicable, because from thence we can branch to
Oregon; whereas, if the southern route be taken
that will be impossible. But I am for a road any-
how, whether North or South. Besides, I believe
we shall have a railroad within twenty-five years,
between the Mississippi and the Columbia or Pu-
get's Sound. I believe it with almost as much
confidence as I do in my personal identity; and I
do not concur at all in the opinion expressed by
my honorable friend from Pennsylvania, [Mr.
COOPER,] the other day, that the snows would
render a railroad impracticable at the South Pass.
If such roads can be worked to advantage in New
England, Canada, and even in Russia, in the
winter season, I am quite sure there can be no bar-
rier to their use at all times at the point mentioned,
and even at a much higher latitude.

It is also insisted that it is improper to pass this bill for the reason that the surveys and explorations have not been had which have usually been deemed an important, if not an indispensable, preliminary to legislative action on such a subject. If we were about to fix the termini and general course of the road, this objection would have great weight; but when these points are to be referred to the Executive, and when the bill directs these basis for his decision, it obviously has no force. very surveys and explorations to be made as a I have already, in opposing the amendment of the honorable Senator from Pennsylvania, [Mr. BRODHEAD,] stated fully my objections to surveys and estimates in detail of all the various routes, and of the modifications of each route with a view to comparison, and an accurate and precise calculation on their economy or cheapness. I say, if this is to be done, there is not a Senator in this work is commenced. I maintain, moreover, that Chamber who will live to see the day when the

SENATE.

such fullness and precision of survey and of estimates is wholly unnecessary. In such a vast undertaking, one or two millions the one way or the other is of no importance, and it would be folly in the extreme to waste ten millions in order to save one or two. With respect to the practicability of the work, much is already known. We need, for example, no survey, to satisfy us that we can construct a road to the South Pass, and from thence to the eastern base of the Sierra Nevada. The assent from the Missouri to the pass is so very gradual as not to be perceptible to the traveler; but when he comes to test the elevation by the barometer, he finds himself, if I do not misrecollect the figures, from six to seven thousand feet above tide water.

Every one admits we can build a railroad from the Missouri to the Sierra Nevada, but whether we can get over that mountain is a matter of doubt. The Sierra would have to be explored through several degrees of latitude and all the passes carefully examined. This would be the only point on that route of serious difficulty. On the southern route several points would require examination. It would be necessary to examine the ridge between the waters of the Mississippi or its tributaries and those of the Rio Grande; also the ridge between the waters of the Rio Grande and those of the Colorado, and also the ridge between the waters of the Colorado and those of the San Joaquin. This would involve an exploration of all the mountain passes. Probably the grades would have to be ascertained at all the difficult points on each route, and then the question, whether of practicability or economy, must be decided either by Congress, or, as proposed in this bill, by the Executive. I believe all the information requisite to a proper disposition of the subject could be obtained in a single season, and then we can commence the construction of the road at an early day. Having determined on the point of departure and the general course of the road, the surveys and estimates in detail can then be made with safety, economy, and dispatch. You will need no detachments of the Army to protect your surveyors. Large bodies of men will be employed on the road, who will hold in check and probably keep at a distance the savages of those regions. It will be necessary ordinarily to survey only one or two hundred miles in advance of the road as it progresses, and then the road itself will facilitate the passage of the surveyors to and fro, and the transportation of their supplies, and this will greatly reduce the expenses of the operation. Indeed it is, in my judgment, indispensable that surveys and construction should go forward at the same time, and in no other way could the former be accomplished without an enormous outlay. Every one must see at a glance that the construction of the road in part will greatly facilitate surveys in advance.

If, for example, the President were to decide that the point of departure should be at or near Independence, Missouri, and if we commence the construction, and carry the road forward, say four hundred miles, it is obvious that this would aid essentially surveys for the next one hundred miles. Probably the cost of such survey would not be one tenth part what it would be were the work undertaken without the aid of the road. The combination, therefore, of the two operations to some extent, is indispensable to economy if not practicability. And what is more, on the plan here advocated, the parties who make the contract will have to be at all the expense of these surveys and estimates in detail. They need not cost this Government one penny. All, therefore, we should provide for, are such explorations and surveys as would enable the Executive to fix the termini and general course of the road, and precise estimates and calculations, such as are ordinarily laid before our State Legislatures in cases of this sort, are impracticable and unattainable. The case is a peculiar one; the object is to connect the two sides of a vast continent, and the intermediate space is a wilderness thronged with savages. Explorations and surveys are alike difficult and dangerous, and to apply to such a case the rules ordinarily observed by our State Legislatures, is absurd and ridiculous. The necessities of an undertaking so novel and unexampled, will furnish laws by which we should regulate our conduct.

when this road shall be constructed and the tran-principal long before the bonds for $20,000,000 sit from the Mississippi to the Pacific can be effected in a single week. It is not too much to say that the aggregate would amount annually to six per cent. interest on the whole capital required to build the road.

road, connecting the waters of the Mississippi with those of the Pacific, would have on the busi-son) that a turbulent and insurrectionary power ness relations of the world. It would probably ere long result in a great commercial revolution, and make the United States the thoroughfare of Europe

32D CONG....2D SESS.

Defenseless, perfectly defenseless. And if a war were to break out with any leading European Power, how long could we hold those possessions? Honorable gentlemen seem to be disposed to assert here what they denominate the Monroe doctrine, in such a manner as would be very likely to lead to a war. If you thus bring on a collision with Great Britain or France, what would become of San Francisco and the other towns situated on the bay of that name? What would become of your Mint and your navy-yard? Sir, that bay is left in such a situation that a miserable privateer, with half a dozen guns, could enter it and lay the city of San Francisco under contribution; an inconsiderable force could ravage the whole coast of California. I do not say they could conquer the State, but I do say they could do infinite mischief. I want, therefore, to hear no more of your Monroe doctrine until you have made some provision for the defense of the Pacific coast. I am for adjourning over the doctrine-Tehuantepec and all other topics of excitation-until this railroad can be constructed. The latter would seem to me an indispensable preliminary to the former. Place us in such a situation that we can in one month throw fifty thousand men on that coast, and you may explode your Monroe doctrine in face of all Europe, for aught I care. We shall then be in a much better situation to defend than any enemy can be to assail. If we have underrated the assailing force, the telegraph will flash the intelligence to Washington, and in ten days we could repair the error by reinforcement. Indeed the mere existence of the road would obviate all

danger of attack by any other than a naval force. What European Power would think of sending an army to the Pacific, when they knew that we could meet them with a force of tenfold power by the agency of the proposed railroad? To say that it is inexpedient or unconstitutional to provide for the emergencies of war by the means proposed, is the same thing as to assert that the defense of the country is no part of the duty of this Government. Congress a few sessions since directed a dock, basin and railway to be constructed at the navy-yard in California. So that it seems we have a right to get our ships on to railways. Why not our Army? But there are difficulties likely to result from a war with one of the leading Powers of Europe, other than those already alluded to. If we suppose that we could defend the city of San Francisco, and protect our navy-yard and Mint, it would undoubtedly be in the power of the public enemy to blockade the whole coast, and cut off the transmission of gold from the Pacific to the Atlantic. A good deal has been said in the debates which we have had during the session on our foreign relations-about our having Great Britain under bonds to keep the peace, by means of our cotton bales; but I would ask honorable Senators to look at our own condition. Are there not bonds for good behavior resting upon us, and that too of a pretty serious character? What if your Monroe doctrine should involve us in a war with Great Britain, and she should, by a blockade of the coast, interrupt the communication between California and the Isthmus, how should we get our regular supply of gold? Or if we should escape that difficulty, and be able to land the precious metal on the Isthmus, how could we get it forward to New York? Honorable Senators have expressed a great deal of alarm in regard to what Great Britain has done and may do at the Bay Islands, but in my judgment, it is a question of little importance. With her ascendency on the ocean, she could, whether she does or does not hold those islands, cut off all intercourse between the Pacific and Atlantic coasts, by stationing a superior force on this or the other side, or on both; the result will be the same, whether you have a route by the Isthmus, Nicaragua, or Tehuantepec. Your communications will be interrupted in the event of a war with a superior naval Power, and then what will be the condition of the country, and what will become of our national and commercial credit? The whole of our currency and all of our business engagements and relations are being constituted on the basis of a regular supply of at least five millions of gold per month from California. Indeed, the supply is believed to be much larger, as the gold sent on freight is understood to amount to five millions, and it is known that a large amount reaches New York and

other important points by the hands of passengers. hasten them into eternity. I am for peace and for
What would become of your banks if this sup-cultivating the arts of peace. I am for construct-
ply should be suddenly cut off? They would, ing this railroad in order that we may have peace.
every one of them, be blown into the air, and I verily believe that the consummation of this vast
commercial credit would receive such a shock as enterprise would do more to cause us to be re-
has never been witnessed in this country. The spected, nay, to be feared by the nations of the
very moment the war broke out, our national finan- earth, than the erection of twenty fortresses, or
ces would be thrown into disorder and confusion, the construction of forty ships-of-the-line.
and the credit of the Government would sink
with that of the commercial classes. This month-

ly supply of gold has got to be just as necessary
to us as the cotton bales are to England. A fleet
of steamers stationed at Jamaica would effectually
arrest the transmission of gold by the Isthmus.
The mere apprehension of danger would be
enough. Suppose you were to drive Great Bri-
tain out of Roatan and the rest of the Bay Islands,
will that make your freights of gold safe? Would
it do to provoke her to a contest by exploding in
her face a half dozen pieces of ordnance, well
charged with the "Monroe doctrine?" Some-
thing was said here, on a former occasion, about
the Gulf of Mexico being a "mare clausum"-an
American sea. It is a curious sort of "closed
sea," with Great Britain in possession of Jamaica
and other islands on one side of it.

There is another consideration to which I would refer, and which, I doubt not, will be properly appreciated by the Senate. The construction of this road is indispensable to the consolidation of our Union, and to bind the two sides of the continent together by the strong ties of mutual dependence and reciprocal interests. Without the means of prompt and easy communication, it would be better not to have a country on the other side of the Rocky Mountains. The existing state of things is utterly objectionable. I was, in the first instance, strongly opposed to the acquisition of California; but as she has been admitted into the family circle, and now constitutes one of the brightest stars of our national galaxy, I am for holding on to her. I have no idea that her people are or will be disloyal to our Union, but I wish to establish more intimate relations between her and her sister States-those of immediate vicinage, and that a railroad will do. When this is done, no centrifugal force can throw her out of her orbit, but she will maintain her proper place in our system, and will revolve around the common center to the end of all time. Besides, how is this General Government to exercise its functions in California without this railroad, whether in war or peace? Suppose there is an incursion of savages upon the people of some part of that State, and it becomes necessary to repel them. Suppose the officers of the Army or Indian agents need instructions from the Executive at Washington, how are they to obtain them? Why, it requires two sea-voyages to get the information to Washington, and two more to get the instructions back, taking up, I suppose, from two to three months.

I maintain that an effectual interruption of this supply of gold, even for a few months, would be almost fatal to currency and credit. The time is near at hand when California will send us $10,000,000 per month, and perhaps even more; and the loss of this supply, even for three months, would be most seriously felt. The Government would be crippled at the very outset of any war in which we might be involved, and incapacitated in some degree for sacrifices and efforts such as our national honor and interests might require. We should be obliged to have the gold any how, and this could only be done by the inland route. You would be obliged to organize caravans for its transmission, which you would have to protect by detachments from the Army. An escort of at least five hundred men would be required to each caravan, as fifteen or twenty millions in gold would hold out temptations which might lead to combinations and aggressions of a dangerous character. And, then, only think of such a caravan "dragging its slow length along," over mountains and deserts, and reaching the city of New York in about six months. In the mean time, and at the very outset of the war, all your banks will have been exploded, your merchants bankrupted, commercial credit broken down, and alarm and distrust spread through all departments of business, and all the ramifications of society. Probably your Government would be placed in such a situation that it could not borrow a dollar. But, whether this would be so or not, it is certain that the interruption of the supply at the outset of a war, even for three months, would occasion disasters and losses to the Government and people more than equal to the whole cost of this road. The regular transmission of this gold is just as necessary for the national safety and defense as a good supply of powder and ball; and yet honorable Senators tell us we have no right to construct this road. One Senator has a stitch in his conscience on the score of constitutionality. He denies our power to adopt this measure, and insists it is violative of the Constitution. Another Senator has a stitch on the score of expediency, or rather he is for the measure as highly wise and proper, but not now; only adjourn it over to the next Congress, and let us have the surveys. O! the surveys let us have the surveys! But now is the hour, in my judgment, for taking the initiative in respect to this great enterprise, and I ask it in the name of preparation for war which may come, for which we should be prepared. I ask it as a measure having an important bearing on credit and currency, and as indispensable to both in case of a war with a superior naval power; and I ask it that we may be well prepared on both coasts to repel aggression, and to assert the rights and maintain the honor and the dignity of the Americanmarks as much as possible. I have given a mere people.

But it must not be inferred from these remarks that I view war with approbation. I can hardly conceive of a war short of one strictly defensive, which I should look upon with complacency. I think men die fast enough anyhow. There is no necessity of calling into requisition gunpowder to

Again: suppose there is an insurrection in California, or a sudden attack by some foreign foe, would there not be a necessity for means of immediate communication with the General Government? Suppose some doubt should arise at San Francisco in respect to the construction of your revenue laws. A cargo of goods arrives, and the collector is of the opinion it should pay one rate of duty, and the owner insists on a lower rate, and the collector desires the instructions of the Secretary of the Treasury on the subject, would not the delay of two voyages by sea to reach Washington, and two to get back, be intolerable? Would it not be ruinous to all concerned? How are your post office laws to be administered in California? How are you to administer this Government there at all, without this railroad? If the collector of San Francisco should die, how long must business be interrupted before his place can be filled? If a judge should die, how long must the court be closed and justice delayed? Nothing can be more embarrassing than the dispensation of patronage in California on account of the distance. almost impossible to get reliable information, and this the present Administration have experienced to their sorrow. If the distinguished gentleman who is coming here soon to stand at the head of the Government does not encounter similar difficulties, I shall be greatly disappointed. I maintain that such a state of things is intolerable, and I think we should not occupy ourselves with any miserable controversy about the Bay Islands or Tehuantepec, but should at once take hold and construct this railroad as a sovereign remedy for all the evils here adverted to. I want no railroad over foreign countries, unless it be for temporary purposes. I am for an American railroad, te be constructed on American soil, by the enterprise and capital of the American people.

It is

Sir, I have occupied more of the time of the Senate than I intended, but have abbreviated my re

outline of ideas, some of which may not have occurred to honorable Senators. I now leave the subject in the hands of the Senate. I hope we shall have a vote on it speedily. I hope the bill will pass the Senate, even if it does not pass the House. Should it fail to become a law at this session, I hope the subject will be resumed at the