the English ship-owners had no objection to such quarantine regulations as might be regarded necessary for the protection of such port; but they contended, that on renouncing the intention of touching at Egyptian ports before reaching their destination, ships should be allowed to escape quarantine, and to pass on without delay. To this contention on the part of the English delegates, Italy and Austria agreed; but French opposition necessitated the modification which was finally reached. In a word-England argued, that provided a ship can start from a port with a clean bill of health, and does not touch at an infected port, the delay of quarantine at Suez is not only unnecessary, but hurtful to trade. France, on the other hand, contended, that were the English proposition accepted, European ports would be exposed to the possibility of an epidemic outbreak, the evils of which no amount

of money could counterbalance; and that in case of an actual outbreak, quarantine would simply have to be established at Mediterranean ports instead of at Suez.

The regulations ultimately drafted by the Conference were a compromise of the French and English propositions, the most important feature of which is that it provides for the substitution of disinfection and isolation. for quarantine, which latter term practically disappears. The delay at Suez will thus be only slight. Everything to which disease cannot be imputed is to be allowed to pass without further question. Only the parts of the ship which may have been in actual contact with the disease, are subject to disinfection; and, where vessels are equipped with a medical service and all the requisite materials, disinfection is to be effected without external interference.

ON

THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT. N February 9, the twelfth Parliament of Queen Victoria assembled for what is generally regarded as its last session. Both Mr. Chamberlain and Mr. Balfour have given announcements of a semi-official character, that the year 1892 will witness another general election; but the exact time no one can yet fix.

The Queen's Speech briefly referred to the evidences of universal sympathy with the royal family over its bereavement in the death of the Heir Apparent, alluded to the death of the Khedive of Egypt as leaving British relations with that country unaltered, expressed confidence that England would not suffer from foreign tariff legislation, and congratulated the country upon the pacific character of the foreign outlook. It then proceeded to a brief outline of the business of the session, the principal measures for consideration being: an Irish Local Government bill, an Irish Education bill, a Small Holdings bill (Agri

cultural), a District Councils bill, and bills to reform the India Council and Scottish private legislation. The last measure proposes to put Scotch private bills under the consideration of judicial committees sitting in certain districts in Scotland, instead of leaving them, as heretofore, to committees of the House of Commons. It thus affirms and extends the principle of local government.

Both in the Queen's Speech and in the Address in reply, there was reflected the sorrow which had just come upon the nation in the death of the Duke of Clarence. The gloom was deepened as the Members looked around and saw the gaps in their ranks caused mainly by the hand of Death. Mr. Smith, the late leader; Mr. Parnell; Sir Charles Forster, for two generations a familiar figure in the House; Sir John Pope Hennessy; Mr. Raikes; Mr. Bond; Sir J. B. Corry; and popular "Dick" Power—all were gone. Rarely indeed has there been seen on a similar occasion such a gathering of new Members waiting to take the oath and their

seats. Mr. Frederick Smith, who succeeds his father in the representation of the Strand, London, was received with a warm ovation from both sides of the House; but the only strong ebullition of feeling that marked the opening sitting was the enthusiastic cheering of the Liberals when Mr. Lambert, the victor at South Molton, and Mr. Maden, the Gladstonian successor to Lord Hartington in the representation of Rossendale, proceeded to take the oath.

In the debate on the Address, the most memorable incidents were those

THE DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE (LORD HARTINGTON). connected with the amendments moved by Mr. Redmond and Mr. Sexton. The former demanded amnesty for the dynamiters now undergoing penal servitude; but what followed served to show distinctly that there is not perfect accord between the Irish Nationalists and the most influential section of the English Home Rulers. Sir William Harcourt refused to vote for the release of prisoners convicted under the Treason Felony Act, and he showed plainly that there are forms of Home Rule to which he is not yet prepared to give his unqualified support.

Mr.Sexton's amendment condemned as futile the operation of the Land Purchase Act of 1891. It had mani

festly failed, he said, to afford a basis for an extension of the class of occupying tenants; not a pound of the guaranteed land stock, he pointed out, had been taken; and the failure of the measure he cited as a crowning argument for the establishment of Home Rule. It had deepened the conviction of the Irish people that the Imperial Parliament was utterly unable to deal adequately with the Irish question. In the vote on Mr. Sexton's amendment, the Government secured only a small majority, the vote standing 179 to 158; after which the Address was immediately adopted.

On February 18, Mr. Balfour introduced the Irish Local Government bill. A double interest attached to the occasion. It was Mr. Balfour's first appearance as leader of the House in charge of a measure, and the bill itself touched upon the question which many are now coming to look upon as the crucial test upon which will hang the fate of the Ministry at the approaching general election.

The bill is said to be the result of a compromise, reached only after many stormy meetings of the Cabinet. Whether so or not, it was received without enthusiasm by Mr. Balfour's own party, although the Ulster Conservatives have since shown a disposition to heartily support its main principles. By the Irish Members of both factions, it was received with execration. Mr. Morley characterized it as "the rottenest reed the Irish minority had ever leaned on for the retention of privileges," being framed "in absolute distrust of the Irish people." Mr. John E. Redmond, the Parnellite leader, called it a "sham bill." Mr. Justin McCarthy spoke of it as "an unclean thing," and advised the Government to burn it. Mr. Healy said he never knew of a more contemptible bill; and Sir William Vernon Harcourt said that a bill more insulting to the Irish he could not conceive of.

At present the local government of Ireland is nominally in the hands of two separate bodies, the Baronial Sessions and the Grand Juries. The former are composed of county magistrates and a number of cess-payers,

it themselves. One-fourth of the price must be paid down, another fourth is to be redeemable at will, and the remaining two-fourths are to be paid in installments or by a terminable annuity, or all may be sooner paid off at any time the purchaser shall desire. Land may also be let in parcels not exceeding ten acres. Purchasers will be expected to erect one dwelling on each holding. If they cannot, the Council may provide them. The "compulsory principle" is rejected, i. e., nobody can be forced by the authorities to sell land under the bill. As great quantities of land are available by purchase, the Government thinks a compulsory provision unnecessary at present. The amount of money borrowed by the local authorities is not to exceed a sum involving a charge upon the county rates, of over a penny in the pound for any year. This, in England and Scotland, would realize £10,000,000 sterling.

On March 24, the Small Holdings bill passed its second reading without a division, amid cheers from both sides of the House. Both parties support its underlying principle. The only point that raised discussion, related to the compulsory principle. Both Mr. Gladstone and Sir William Harcourt supported the bill, but thought that the local authorities should be given power to compel land-owners to sell.

The Irish Education bill was introduced February 22, by Mr. Jackson, the new Chief Secretary. Although the average attendance in Ireland has shown a steady growth, it is nevertheless twenty per cent behind the attendance in England. This is partly due, Mr. Jackson thinks, to the growth of denominational schools in Ireland. To effect a remedy, a compulsory school system is needed, which the present bill provides. It proposes to compel the attendance of children between six and fourteen years of age, to prohibit the employment of children under eleven years of age, and of those between the ages of eleven and fourteen whose proficiency is not certified to. It is not proposed to make compulsory attendance at once universal in Ireland. For the present, attend

ance will be enforced in towns; but in rural districts the people will be allowed to decide the matter for themselves. The sum of £90,000 due Ireland in the present year will be devoted to the teachers' pension fund; and part of the £200,000 due next year is to be devoted toward making schools free as far as possible, by abolishing fees in very poor schools, and lowering them in those of a higher grade. The remaining portion of the fund will be applied toward increasing salaries of teachers in the national schools.

The Irish Nationalists have not enthusiastically praised the bill, but will consider it fairly; and they seem disposed to accept it. It will certainly improve the position of Irish elementary teachers, and so may be expected to have a good effect on the character of their work.

On February 23, a motion made by Samuel Smith, M. P. for Flintshire, to disestablish the Church in Wales, was defeated by a majority of fortyseven. Last year, a similar motion was defeated by a majority of thirtytwo. A few Liberal Unionists, including Mr. Chamberlain, voted with the minority.

A bill has been introduced for the creation of a Scottish Parliament vested to a certain extent with Home Rule powers. It is supported by all the Liberal Members from Scotland, and, it is said, by many English Members, including some Conservatives. The Members who framed it are all firm Gladstonians, and have had in mind the possible application of its principles to Ireland. The bill proposes to establish in Scotland a Legislature consisting of the Queen and a Scottish legislative body, which will have jurisdiction over all matters except those relating to Imperial administration, such as the Army and Navy, treaties, postal and telegraph services, etc. The Parliament is to comprise the Scotch Members returned to the Imperial Parliament, except those representing the Scotch Universities; and bills passed are not to require the sanction of the Imperial Parliament, nor of the House of Lords. Taxes may be proposed by the new body,

other than customs or excise. The Executive will be vested in the Queen, and be carried on by the Secretary for Scotland, with such help as the Scottish Legislature may provide.

A miners' Eight Hours bill, introduced by Mr. Leake (Gladstonian) has been overwhelmingly defeated. Dissatisfaction with the recent gigantic action of the miners throughout the country with a view to keeping up the price of coal by restricting the output, and thus preventing a reduction of wages, may have contributed to the adverse vote; but another cause is found in the dissension among the friends and advocates of the miners. It was Mr. Burt, President of the English Trades-Union Congress, who moved the rejection of the bill. Mr. Morley and some thirty other Gladstonians also voted against it. Sir William Harcourt voted for the bill. Mr. Gladstone did not vote at all.

There are many workingmen who think the doors of the House of Commons should be opened to them. At present, through the non-payment of Members, they are practically closed to all except men of independent means. The few laboring men now there,are supported either by subscription or by trades-union funds. A resolution was recently brought in by Mr. Fenwick, a workingman's representative, providing for the payment of Members; but it was thrown out by a majority of sixty-five, although the Gladstonians, as a body, supported it. As Irish Secretary, Mr. Balfour was the idol of the Tories. As leader of the House he has so far been, to some extent, a disappointment to his friends. He appears to lack that tact and suavity of manner which served the late leader so well. The business of the session has not made the rapid progress expected, and obstructives have been unwontedly active.

BRITISH POLITICS.

Some time during the present year, it is generally conceded, Parliament will be dissolved, and a new election called. The present representative assembly was returned at the election of 1886. In April of that year, the Liberal party was divided as a result

of the Home Rule bill introduced by Mr. Gladstone; and when, on June 7, a vote of 341 to 311 stood for the rejection of the measure, Mr. Gladstone appealed to the country. At the election which followed, 193 Gladstonians were returned, against 318 Conservatives, 73 Liberal Unionists, and 85 Irish Home Rulers. This, of course, led to the resignation of the Gladstone Ministry; and Lord Salisbury took the reins of government, since which time the Conservatives and Liberal Unionists have maintained a steady union.

It is universally admitted that the present Parliament has made a creditable record-it has fulfilled its promises beyond what was expected. Of the two main pledges under which it came into power-namely, that the union of the Empire should be maintained, and order preserved in Ireland -that the former has been kept goes without saying; and, with regard to the latter, it has, in a large measure, though at great cost, been accomplished. There is now only a small part of Ireland in which it is necessary to keep the Crimes Act in operation. The tenant has been treated with much consideration. The judicial rents, supposed to be unalterable, have been revised. No less than £10,000,000 has been advanced under the Ashbourne Act. And, in the provisions for land purchase under the guarantee of the State, by the act of 1891; in the immense sums distributed for the construction of light railways and other industrial works, to give employment to sufferers from the partial famine of last year, it must be admitted that the present Government has done noble work.

At the coming election, the appeal to the country will be made, far more than ever before, to the masses of the common people. The workingmen have awakened to a consciousness of the fact that they hold the balance of political power. Both the great parties are aware of it too, and are practically one in their recognition of needed measures affecting the agricultural laborers.

It is this common attitude of the two great parties on the question of