AFFAIRS IN AMERICA. UNITED STATES POLITICS. HE Presidential election of 1892 was a great Democratic victory. In 1890, the country had had an indication of the strength of the party, based upon the popular revulsion against the high protective tariff of the McKinley Act; but, although the Democrats obtained complete control of the House on that occasion, their victory was rendered nugatory owing to Republican control in the Senate. In the election of November 8 last, their triumph is of much greater importance in that they are thereby enabled both to enact and to execute those legislative changes of which their party, under the leadership of Grover Cleveland, has been the distinctive advocate. A Republican as President gives place to a Democrat; the House of Representatives is still strongly, if less markedly, Democratic; and the Senate, the complexion of which is more doubtful, is not likely to be an effective obstruction to the general carrying out of the Democratic policy. And thus, after March 4, 1893, the entire law-making machinery of the United States will practically be in the control of Mr. Cleveland's party, although it may be that a full year will elapse before any important changes in existing laws will be put into actual force. The result was a great surprise in general. Both sides had hoped, not without some misgivings, for success; but the Democrats had not dreamed that their victory would be so overwhelming. Republicans, on the other hand, were utterly astounded. Relying upon the assurances of long-experienced leaders in various parts of the country, whose ability to measure the strength of popular sentiment had been often proved, they were totally unprepared for their crushing defeat. "I do not think the Democrats will secure a single electoral vote from the Eastern States," said Governor Mc 389 Kinley before the election; and the only explanation of the result which Chairman Carter, of the Republican National Committee, could give in announcing his defeat to President Harrison, was to attribute it to "a reaction against the progressive policies of the Republican party." Tammany Hall redeemed its promise to support Mr. Cleveland, after having opposed his nomination. Several Western States were captured by the People's party, or "Populists"; but, in spite of the strength of Alliance ideas in the South, the "Force Bill" cry, persistently raised and pushed into prominence by the New York Sun, although Republicans had ceased to advocate the idea, served to consolidate the opposition of the whites against dreaded interference from the North; and the entire Solid South voted the Democratic ticket. In States considered hopeless by the Democrats, where little work was consequently done, their gains over the vote of 1888 were as great as in the States upon which they bestowed most care. large is Mr. Cleveland's majority that the vote of New York State might have gone against him without affecting the result. Even had several Southern States been lost, he might still have been elected. No President since Washington could enter upon his duties with greater independence of obligation to "machine" or party, or with more unfettered freedom of action. The campaign was eminently an educational one, in which all the higher elements of intelligence and serious thought were called forth, and all the lower elements of sensational demonstration and personal asperity were conspicuously absent. So The important character of the changes in political sentiment during the last four years, is shown in the following table giving the electoral vote for President and Vice-President in 1892 as compared with the vote of 1888: POPULAR VOTE FOR PRESIDENT, 1892. the two great parties, it being not imPro. Peo. probable that the Populists and Independents may control the balance Cleve- Bid Weav 42.939 22,198 23.503 2,045 19,792 10,256 41,183 Dem. rison. land. well. er. 85,181 Arkansas 11,831 California. 117,618 117,908 8,187 251216 53,584 Connecticut. 77,032 82,395 4,026 Delaware 18,077 Florida We leave our readers to form their own opinions as to the significance of 809 Mr. Cleveland's victory. Whatever 4.843 other elements may be involved in it, it is universally taken as an unques22,207 tionable expression in favor of a more 20,616 moderate tariff policy—a tariff more 163.11 directly adapted for the raising of revenue, and yet incidentally protec796 tive, in a general way, of established 3.210 American interests. But other forces 30,398 combined to the result, among which are mentioned the personality of the 7,259 candidates; the generalship of the National Committees; the fear of Fed293 eral interference in elections; the de16.430 sire for a repeal of the tax on State 44.732 Bank issues; the desire for Free Silver; 17,650 14,852 the belief that high Protection is too 26.965 8,714 favorable to the concentration of 227 wealth, and is not effective as a means 26,512 of giving the laborer a larger share 99,638 in the profits of his work; and the 43 general unrest of the period, which 19,105 displays itself in the modern tendency toward Socialism and in the general 526 desire for better times. 83.134 7,267 985 2,410 23,622 12,274 4.165 .5,186,931 5,553,142 268,361 1,030,128 42.93 45.96 366,211 -12,081,316 2.22 One remarkable incident of the 8.52 campaign was a canvass of the faculties of the larger New England colWilliams-which revealed an overleges-Harvard, Yale, Amherst, and whelming Democratic preponderance. In Colorado, Idaho, Kansas, Nevada, North and South Dakota, and Wyoming, the Democrats fused with the Poppulists on the electoral ticket. Mr. Wing, the Socialist Labor candidate received a total of 21,534 votes, and 21,237 were scattering, blank, and defective. The composition of the House of Representatives for the 53d Congress is approximately as follows: The political situation at the close of the year is somewhat complicated by a division in the New York Democracy over the choice, by the Democratic State Legislature, of a successor to United States Senator Hiscock (Rep.), whose term expires March 4, 1893. Mr. Edward Murphy, Jr., of Troy, a wealthy brewer, who has for years been chairman of the Democratic State Committee, is the candidate favored by Senator Hill and Tammany Hall. The President-Elect is said to look with little favor upon this choice, which, if it be confirmed, it is feared, may so widen the cleavage. in the party ranks as to affect the situation in other States. The question of an extra session of Congress is also widely discussed, some thinking it desirable that one should be called immediately after March 4, when the time comes for organizing 1893, so that the new Administration the House in the 53d Congress. may at once begin its work of reform. Mr. Cleveland, however, it is said, does not favor an immediate session unless the condition of the Treasury be such as to imperatively demand it; and it is not probable that a session will be called before next fall, when the question of tariff readjustment may be taken up for preliminary treatment shortly before the regular time of the assembling of Congress in December. THE FIFTY-SECOND CONGRESS. The Fifty-Second Congress will close its two years' service on March 4, 1883. Its achievements will then have passed into history; and it is not too much to say that they will play as small and commonplace a part in the records of the National Legislature as those of any other Congress since the formation of the Government. The Much stress has been laid upon the fact that at the annual dinner of the New York Reform Club, on December 10, Speaker Crisp, who was present, was not called upon for any remarks. Mr. Cleveland, and Mr. Mills, the chief opponent of Mr. Crisp in the Speakership contest last year (see Vol. I., p. 532), both addressed the gathering, Those who attempt to make political capital out of the incident, declare that it points toward difficulties in the way of the friends of Mr. Cleveland enactments of the last two years have been singularly devoid of national scope and importance. As Ex-Speaker Reed said with his usual epigrammatic force, "It is like some Dutch landscape, without even a wind-mill to break the dead level of its commonplace monotony." The first session, which covered about seven months, failed to bring forth anything of national importance beyond an extension of the Chinese Exclusion act, the admission of two foreign steamships to American registry, the authorization of retaliatory measures against Canada in the use of border canals, the passage of the usual appropriation bills-all of which were quite up to the usual limit of extravagance-and the enactment of a flood of minor measures of importance only to particular persons or places. The second session, which began December 5 last, promises to be somewhat more eventful, although its achievements, if any, will be crowded into the few weeks remaining before the life of the Congress is terminated, by law, at noon on March 4. As the Congress is drawing to a close it is possible to glance at some of the more important measures which may become laws, and which, if they pass, may, at a late day, rescue the Congress from legislative obscurity. These include the bill for a national system of bankruptcy; for the prohibition of "options and futures," known as the "Anti-Option bill;" for a system of national quarantine which will throw safeguards around the borders of this country in case of cholera or other epidemic; for checking, or absolutely stopping for a year or more, the steadily increasing influx of immigrants; for repealing the act by which the United States Treasury purchases and coins a vast quantity of silver each month and piles it up in the Treasury vaults, where it fails to secure circulation; and for revising the national banking system. These measures, together, would give glory enough to any Congress. Each of them is of vast importance to the entire community, although each has developed an element of spirited opposition, questioning the propriety of the bill. It is too much to expect that all of them will become laws, although it is probable that one or more of them will pass; and, in that event, there will be at least something of a national character to mark the existence of the Fifty-Second Congress. The Anti-Option Bill. The Anti-Option bill has had a tempestuous experience of more than a year (p. 182). It was first passed in the House, through the efforts of Representative Hatch, of Missouri, Chair VOL. II.-31. man of the Committee on Agriculture. Then it went to the Senate, where Senator Washburn, of Minnesota, took charge of it, and so amended it that it has come to be known as "The Washburn Bill." In brief, it seeks to impose such heavy taxes on speculators who deal in options or futures, that their business will be taxed out of existence. Mr. Washburn has struggled to pass the bill almost every day since the present session began. It has been up day after day, but its opponents have skillfully avoided a vote through one parliamentary ruse after another. There is a clear majority in the Senate in favor of the bill; and this will ultimately secure its passage unless the opposition determines upon that last parliamentary expedient of "talking the bill to death." The prospects are, however, that the Senate will pass the bill. But even then it will have to go back to the House for consideration of the amendments made by the Senate. Here there are further chances of obstruction and opposition; and there is even talk that filibustering may be resorted to to prevent the House from finally passing the bill. A Uniform System of Bankruptcy. The plan of a uniform system of bankruptcy has been before Congress for a number of years; but its advocates have concentrated all their energy into passing it during the present session. The measure was framed by Judge Torrey, of St. Louis, Mo., who has remained in Washington for many months in the hope of having his bill adopted. It has been approved by nearly every Board of Trade and commercial organization in the country. In brief, the measure is designed to throw off the burdens of those who have become hopelessly insolvent, and to permit them to resume their place in business. Many safeguards are provided to avoid fraud. Both voluntary and involuntary bankruptcy are established, i. e., the debtor is not only allowed to go into bankruptcy when he gets beyond his depth; but his creditors may force him into bankruptcy, against his will, when they are able to show that it is for the |