Rudyard Kipling, the story writer, and Miss Balestier, sister of the late Wolcott Balestier, the American novelist, were married in London on January 18.

The University of St. Andrew's, the oldest in Scotland, has decided to admit women to its departments of Theology, Arts, and Sciences.

The first trial, in English waters, of the Sims-Edison controllable torpedo, took place at Portsmouth on February 15. It was successful.

EUROPEAN DISASTERS.

On January 29, the British man-ofwar Victoria, the flag-ship of the Mediterranean Squadron, ran aground off Snipe Point, near Dragomesti, on the western coast of Greece. She was afterwards floated, and taken to Malta for repairs.

The North German Lloyd steamer Eider, with 327 passengers and crew, went ashore on Atherfield Ledge, Isle of Wight, on the night of January 31, during a dense fog. All the passengers were safely removed. After four weeks' hard work, the Eider was floated off the reef, and taken to Southampton for repairs.

During February there were many disasters on the English and Irish coasts, fortunately in few cases attended with loss of life. A Flushing mail steamer went ashore at Queensborough during a fog, and sank before help could reach her.

The steamers Forest Queen and Loughbrow collided on the night of February 25, off Flamborough, and the former immediately sank. Fourteen of the crew were drowned.

The Greek steamer Embiricos, from Cardiff to Malta, went ashore in a fog, on the night of February 6, off the coast of St. Martin, one of the Scilly Islands. The captain, mate, and others, ten men in all, were last seen trying to launch a boat. Fifteen of the crew were saved.

A terrific gale raged on the coast of Portugal on February 27; and a large number of fishermen were drowned, the number being placed as high as 200.

The Italian bark Nina Schiaffino went ashore off Cape Sparrow, at the

entrance of the Straits of Gibraltar. Seven of her crew were drowned.

The most appalling disaster of the quarter occurred on March 11, in the Anderlues Colliery, near Charleroi, Belgium. An explosion of fire damp took place while there were 236 men in the pit. As the families of the men gathered at the mouth of the pit, the scenes were indescribably piteous. After the explosion, the pit took fire, and the search had to be abandoned. Next day a roaring sheet of flame shot up the ventilating shaft, and set fire to the colliery building. The number of those rescued unhurt was 63, and 20 were badly injured. The number of men cremated in the mine was 122. EUROPEAN LABOR INTERESTS.

Every intelligent person must regard the labor developments which have recently startled all Europe, as furnishing one of the most serious object-lessons of the day in the field of practical politics. And not only European, but all other countries also, may well ponder the questions raised. Whether Socialism is to be identified with Anarchy or not, it is quite certain that in the light of recent events, the public are coming to look upon the former as tending toward the latter.

The elements of disturbance are confined to no one country, but display themselves in every part of the civilized world. None of the outbursts -in Germany, Spain, England-anywhere in fact, can be properly understood except when regarded as an expression of a social development, the causes of which do not lie on the surface, as a symptom of a deep-seated and wide-spread affection of the body politic. The present is an age of discontent; and there are many indications of increasing disaffection, in both Europe and America, with existing political order and the relations of wealth and poverty. It is, perhaps, in Germany where this fact is most apparent, because there it forms the motive of that political party which controls the popular elections in the great cities.

In 1891 there were serious troubles in England, France, Italy, and the United States; and again, in 1892,

Europe views with apprehension the approach of Labor Day, May 1. There have recently been many evidences of general discontent and of a revolutionary spirit. In Germany, hungry mobs have shouted their demands under the very windows of the Emperor's Palace; and have shown, that under the stinging pressure of physical want, the sacredness of property vanishes. In France, Paris has been terrorized by repeated dynamite outrages, and the Government has been startled by evidences of a wide-spread anarchist plot which many regard as connected with the recent bomb explosions in Barcelona, Rome, and Vienna. In Spain, towns and villages have been plundered. In Austria, thousands of starving workingmen form an element of danger; and even England has had evidence of what organized labor can do to suspend work, paralyze trade, and threaten industry. So serious is the outlook, that France has passed very stringent laws against dynamitards; while King Leopold, of Belgium, is said to contemplate inviting all the Powers to a conference for common action against the disruptive forces of Anarchy. Strange to say, in Russia, where the present conditions would appear to be conducive to unrest, the activities of the Nihilists seem quite paralyzed in the face of the great desolation that rules over large parts of the country.

For various reasons, the past winter has been a severe one for Europe. The harvests in general were poor; industries have been weak, and financial matters unsteady. In such cases, the distress falls most heavily upon the working classes. This is largely the cause of the general unrest-an enormous amount of bitter distress and misery. While mere mobs cannot effect revolutions, it must not be forgotten that in all countries there is now an organized Socialist party, whose aim is to control the movements of the poorer classes; and it is just this which makes the labor problem so serious a practical question for the Governments of the day. The difference between putting down a riot, and putting down an insurrection, is, perhaps, only one of degree.

The Berlin Riots.

Since the days of the Revolution of 1848, when King Frederick William IV. was forced to grant a Constitution and a free press, no such stirring scenes have been witnessed in the Prussian capital, as the riots of February 25 to 27 last. After the Franco-Prussian War, Berlin became the capital of the German Empire; and to it à tide of population turned from the provincial towns and rural districts. To-day the city is overcrowded with workingmen, who, like thousands of their fellows in all the great European centers, have been thrown out of employment from various economic causes which have resulted in a slackness of trade and stagnation of industrial enterprise.

On February 25, a body of about 2,000 unemployed met in Berlin, to decide on some course of action that would improve their condition. We are told that they first appealed to the Burgomaster, or Mayor, of Berlin, for assistance; and that it was only when he refused to entertain their petitions, that they decided to proceed to the Palace to see the Emperor in person. They marched down the Unter den Linden to the Schloss Platz, on which square the Palace stands. There, a few Socialists, not the leaders of the party, taking advantage of the opportunity to make a demonstration against the Government, inflamed the mob by speeches; and the crowd began to sing the "Marseillaise."

Their numbers soon increased to about 6,000, and they marched to the very gates of the Palace shouting for the Emperor. Here they encountered the police, and the first of the series of riots began. The mob at the Palace was soon dispersed; but other outbreaks followed in various parts of the city, particularly in the outskirts; and for some time the rioters had their own way. Several baker and butcher shops were broken into, the hungry crowds eagerly devouring everything eatable they could find. The disorders continued through the night.

The next day, the troubles were renewed. Crowds who had assembled in the Unter den Linden, were dis

ists, but the Socialist Members of the Reichstag distinctly disclaimed any connection with the riots, and the Socialist organ, Vorwärts, repeatedly enjoined upon its followers to take no part in the demonstrations. Nor were the better class of workingmen the original disturbers; it was the rowdy element on the edges of the meeting, who began the demonstration; and it was not until the excitement had grown as a result of the conflicts with the police, not, in fact, until the 27th, that any considerable portion of the rioters were seen to be of the better class of workmen. Nor does it appear that the great heart of the people was in the disturbances. The troubles were really a cry of distress, the counterpart of the popular demonstrations which London, Vienna, Paris, Rome, and other great capitals have witnessed during several winters past. They were apparently devoid of all direct political instigation or object, and seem to have acquired what dangerous quality they had, from the presence of that ruffianly element of disorder always present in great cities, and always watching for a chance to further its evil ends.

Similar stirring scenes were enacted March 4, in Dantzic, the capital of West Prussia, the particulars of which go to show that hunger, and not politics, was at the root of the trouble there as well as in Berlin. Brunswick, Hamburg, Breslau, and other cities also reveal a sad and suffering condition of the poor.

One evil result may follow the outbreaks. The criminal class will not be slow to observe the difficulty which the police experienced in dealing with the trouble.

The English Coal Strike.

The great coal strike of the English miners, which began March 12 and continued one week, excited a greater than usual interest, not only on account of its gigantic proportions, but also on account of the peculiar circumstances in which it occurred. There was no conflict over wages, nor over anything else. The Miners' Federation merely proposed, by restricting theoutput of coal, to compel the public to pay

such a price for it as would enable the colliery owners to maintain the present rate of wages. A proclamation was accordingly issued, ordering the members of the Federation to quit work for one, and possibly two, weeks, and saying: "We expect outside districts to remember that the members of the Miners' Federation are taking a holiday for the sole purpose of clearing the markets of surplus coal, which has been used by speculators in a system of unfair trading, akin to gambling. We trust that our action will avert the menaced reduction in wages.' Over 300,000 members of the Federation obeyed the proclamation, and their numbers were augmented by about 100,000 miners from Durham. The latter struck, however, with a different purpose. They were involved in an actual dispute with the owners over a proposed reduction. When the strike had lasted one week, all the men were ordered to resume work.

Many

The miners did succeed in raising the price of coal temporarily. For some time before the strike began, the prospect of a scanty supply forced the price up; and it continued rising during the week of the strike, until it had increased by 40 per cent. To the poor, this brought serious inconvenience and much suffering. branches of industry were also disturbed, particularly iron-working; and scores of thousands of workmen other than the miners, were thrown out of employment. Railway traffic was interrupted, the Northeastern Road alone taking off 200 trains. miners themselves lost a week's wages, about $2,000,000. The owners reaped the benefits. Their stock was sold off at a greatly advanced price; while the strike lasted, they had no wages to pay; and, now that it is over, they will have a fresh demand. The miners have not succeeded in securing any pledge that there shall be no reduction of wages.

The

The Federation, in deciding to return to work, decided also to work only five days each week, observing Mondays as holidays. It has also recommended to the electors to turn out, at the coming election, any candidate opposed to the Eight Hours bill.

Other European Strikes.

On February 9, the coal porters of London, England, went out on strike. The trouble arose out of the employment of a foreman who belonged to no Union. The employing firm refused to discharge the foreman, and discharged its union men as they refused to work, replacing them with others. The unionist officials ordered the reinstatement of the old porters, and, this being refused, then ordered out all the coal porters in London. About 8,000 men quit work. The police prevented all violence. In a few days, it was seen that the employers could soon get free laborers, and the strike collapsed. The porters gained nothing, but lost from three days' to a week's wages. The employers refused to discharge those engaged in the interval, and took back only those for whom they had room, a very small fraction of the total number of strikers. In contradistinction to these English strikes, the labor troubles at Bilbao, in Spain, which occurred toward the end of January, were socialistic. The copper miners in that regionstruck against a reduction of wages. The local civil and military authorities were unable to quell the rioters; and General Loma, with three battalions of infantry, several cannon, and a detachment of lancers, was ordered to the scene. He declared Bilbao in a state of siege, and announced that should occasion arise he would shoot all rioters down without mercy. This had the desired effect, and there were no further disorders.

GERMANY.

Germany has lately passed through a period of internal turmoil, the full outcome of which is not yet apparent. The events connected with the Emperor's attempt to force a passage of the Prussian Primary Education bill, have shown, that however good his intentions, his independence of judgment may miscalculate political forces, and lead him into precarious positions. William II. has the strong religious sentiments of his grandfather, and not unnaturally inclines to a reversal of the policy of the Kultur

kampf (War of Culture) proclaimed by Bismarck, which restricted the political powers of the ultra-sectarianists, both Protestant and Catholic. By this policy, Bismarck had sought allies among the Liberals and Progressists; but even he was obliged to adopt a more conciliatory attitude toward the Centrists (the Catholic party) when he needed their help against the Socialists and the too democratic demands of the Progressists.

The Education bill proposes to make religious instruction in the elementary schools compulsory, and to prevent any Prussian child from being brought up an atheist. Children not belonging to any religious body recognized by the State, e. g., Methodists, Old Catholics, Unitarians, Deists, are to take part in the religious instruction, unless exempted by request of the authorities of the respective sects to which they belong, this request to be granted only on a guarantee that instruction shall be imparted by a teacher of their sect. No provision is made for children of parents without creeds. Besides Catholics and Lutherans, the only denominations given formal recognition, are the Moravians, Quakers, Greeks, Anglicans, Hebrews, and Old Lutherans. The bill would virtually place elementary instruction in the hands of ecclesiastics, with special privileges to Catholics and Lutherans.

Although the bill was due to the initiative of the Emperor, was introduced by Count von Zedlitz, Minister of Instruction, and was strongly supported by Chancellor Caprivi, it quickly aroused strong opposition. The Minister of Finance, Herr Miquel, opposed the measure on financial grounds, and tendered his resignation, which the Emperor induced him to hold back. Another effect was to split up the Government's majority, and to estrange the National Liberals, and even some of the Conservatives. The Radicals, of course, opposed the measure bitterly, their leader, Herr Richter, defining it as a bill "to order every citizen to believe in a State god." The circles of educated opinion turned against it, Dr. Virchow denouncing it as leading toward the "domination of an organ