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its burdens. And if the constitnencies the great mass of the people of this decide in our favour, and the two country were induced, by the restoraother estates of the realm act in ac- tion of laws which enhance the price cordance with the opinion of the of food, to consider that, by imitating House of Commons, what is it that the example of the democracies on we have to fear ? Not certainly the the Continent, they could gain any dark hints and insinuations of Sir advantage which they could not now James Graham. When the two obtain, or increase the prosperity Houses of the legislature are divided they are deriving from the ancient in opinion, and when neither of them institutions of this country." We will yield, or, when the Sovereign cannot of conrse presume to say anthority is broadly opposed to the that we distinctly apprehend the declared will of the Commons, it is meaning of this complicated senperfectly possible that a most serious tence, which we now put upon and lamentable struggle may ensue.

record for the benefit of future stuBut so long as the three great estates dents of composition; but it sounds act together in harmony and concord, very like a hint of civil insurrection. there is no power in the land that Now, we take leave to say, once for can set their councils at defiance. all, that such hints and inuendoes are Therefore, when Sir James Graham excessively indecorous and improper sketches his imaginary league of when emanating from any Minister of ploughboy, shepherd, weaver, and the Crown; and that Lord John soldier, against the resolutions of the Russell, in particular, considering his Imperial Parliament, he is contem- antecedents, is a vast deal too fond plating an anomaly which never has of indulging in this sort of dubious occurred, and which never can occur talk. His business and his duty is in Great Britain. Why or wherefore to inculcate respect for the laws, not should we accept his affectionate en- to contemplate their infraction. If he treaty, and be on our guard ? How entertains, as he professes to do, a are we to convulse the country--en- deep regard for the Constitution, he danger property-or shake our institu- should cautiously abstain from hinting tions to the foundations ?

that there is a power beyond the Conplotting? Are we conspiring? Do stitution which may possibly be called we destroy the law? Are we doing in to control it. Certainly we are not anything, or do we propose to do any- inclined to submit ourselves to this thing, contrary to the spirit of the sort of despotism, or to be deterred Constitution ? And not, why are from doing our duty, and expressing these big words thrown at our heads? our opinions, by vague threats of We may be quite wrong in our antici- future consequences. There is another pations. The country may not accord passage in Lord John Russell's speech us its support. The electors may which is open to peculiar animadverdetermine that henceforward and for sion. He, the champion of popular ever Free Trade shall remain the sole opinion, deprecates any appeal to the and dominant system. If so, we country on the subject of import shall submit, as is our bounden duty. duties, on account of the damage We shall rear up no phantom armies, which might thereby arise to trade ! such as are said at times to be seen Does the noble lord think that the skirting the hills of Cumberland, to great body of the British agriculoppose to the levies of Sir James turists now under the pressure of the Grabam ; but whilst we are acting screw, and with the prospect of ruin constitutionally and openly, let us before them, will be deterred froin hear no more of such language, which prosecuting their demand for what is somewbat worse than offensive. they conceive to be their just rights,

We observe from the report, that by any such considerations as these ? these passages in the speech of Sir Are the yeomanry to suffer themJames Graham were cheered em- selves to be crushed and expatriated phatically by the Premier. Indeed, without a murmur, simply for the in his own address to the House, he sake of putting the manufacturers to touched upon similar topics : "I

no temporary or extra inconvenience ? should be most grieved if I thought The Premier may depend upon it that

Are we


he will never save himself in an emer. State of Trade. MANCHESTER, Feb. gency by putting forward such worth- 13. — The continued decline of cotton less and shallow arguments. Why, places our spinners and manufacturers in if he, like Sir James Graham, recog

a very awkward and critical position. nises the great and growing power of The market appears to have lost all conthe country party, can he shut his fidence, for the present, in the mainte

nance of prices, and heaviness and gloom eyes to the fact, that that power is

are its prevailing characteristics. There simply the embodiment of public opi- has scarcely been business enough to-day nion, without which to back him, Mr

to determine what rates would be acceded Disraeli's speeches and motions would to ; but there can be no doubt that, for be as innocuous as the sheet lightning any considerable order, a modification of of a summer's evening ?

price equal to 3d. per piece on cloth on There are several other points the nominal rates, or of 4hd. to 6d. on the arising out of this memorable debate, prices of Thursday last, would be acceptto which we intended to refer had our

ed. The decline on yarn is to a proporlimits permitted. We cannot, how

tionate extent." ever, avoid noticing the prosperity Messrs Littledale's circular of 20th terms of the Royal Speech delivered February is not much more cheerful at the opening of the Session.

in its tone. It opens thus :-" The It is a very remarkable circum- dulness which has pervaded our difstance, that the trade and manufac. ferent produce markets since the opentures of Great Britain, however much ing of the year still continues, but they may have been depressed at with little change in prices during the different periods of the previous year, last fortnight.” As regards the article are always marvellously resuscitated

of silk, we are told that towards the opening of the Session. Thus, in December 1849, the cotton

“ Since the commencement of the month, trade was, according to the confession several parcels of China raw silk have of the Free-Trade organs, in a very

changed hands at rather lower prices than bad condition. Less business than

in December last. The manufacturers, formerly had been done during the

finding a great falling off in the sale of

their goods, have shown but little disposiyear; and even the Economist questioned “whether the power of pur

tion to purchase. This, with the announce

ment of the public sales which are now chase,' on the part of the British com

in progress, has caused great dulness munity, is nearly equal to what it was throughout the manufacturing districts. in 1845." In February thereafter, East India and China piece-goods-the under the medical treatment of demand for which tias suddenly dimiMinisters, all kinds of manufactures nished; and prices for all sorts are lower, received an amazing fillip. Mr except good and fine Corahs (which for Labouchere almost wept for joy at the

some months past have been very scarce.) amazing prosperity of the shipowners,

These have sold at previous rates; but all who, ungrateful villains as they were,

other descriptions have been unsaleable." instantly and unanimously repudiated This is at best but April prosperity the soft impeachment. This year -gloom and brightness, intermingled there has been the same burst of sun- sunshine and showers. shine precisely at the same season. In a very few days we shall learn Everything is couleur de rose. We how Ministers

meet the were exceedingly delighted to hear it. opposition which the absurd and inIn our ignorance we had been led to coherent financial statement of Sir oelieve that the iron trade was nearly Charles Wood has provoked. We in a state of stagnation, and the cot- have seen bad budgets before, but ton-mills not remarkably remunera- this is incomparably the worst that tive; but it appeared that we were was ever devised. The obnoxious wrong. However, a day or two after- and unjust Income Tax is to be rewards, in turning over the Times, we newed, solely for the purpose of lighted upon a paragraph which' did bolstering up Free Trade, and the not appear to us indicative of a high removal of the Window Duties is to degree of prosperity in one important be nearly neutralised by the imposition branch of manufactures.

It is as

of a house tax! The "happy family," follows:

it must be owned, have an especial



talent for making themselves uni- are doing their duty by supporting versally unpopular.

this motion—and let no marr support The result of the division on Mr it who does not believe that he is doDisraeli's motion cannot fail to be ing his duty-will feel in future that very cheering to those who look for their part is one of more activity in the advent of better times, and more defending the interests of the tenantry enlightened legislation. It marks the of this country. This is mainly a progress which has been made, even farmers' question. No one has met in the present Parliament, from which my argument about rent, which showwe had so little to expect; and it will ed the fallacy of that barbarous slang be our own fault if the advantage is that has been too long prevalent. It not pursued. We would earnestly is a farmers' question. Upon the recommend to the serious perusal and farmers the pressure for years has consideration of all, but more espe- been too severe; it is now increasing: cially the landlords of Great Britain, From motives I can appreciate, and the emphatic peroration of Mr Dis- feelings of delicacy I can comprehend, raeli in his admirable reply :-“I the owners of the soil have not stood hope honourable gentlemen will not forward to vindicate, as they ought be frightened by threats, from what to have done, the interests of the ever quarter they may come. I hope tenantry. I hope that this is the there is still so much spirit in gentle. commencement of a new era in that men of the United Kingdom, that they respect ; and that no man, whether will not be daunted even by the mys- owner or occupier, will hereafter be tical reference of the First Minister, ashamed or afraid of asking from an or the more authoritative, more de- English Parliament that justice to cided threats that may reach them which every English subject is enfrom any other quarter. I hope bon- titled.” ourable gentlemen, if they believe they

Printed by William Blackwood & Sons, Edinburgh.



APRIL, 1851.

Vol. LXIX.












To whom all communications (post paid) must be addressed.





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