democracy. To restore the government intended by the fathers, and for the welfare and prosperity of this and future generations, we demand the establishment of an economic and financial system which shall make us masters of our own affairs and independent of European control."

The money plank is in full as follows:

"We demand a national money, safe and sound, issued by the general government only, without the intervention of banks of issue, to be a full legal tender for all debts, public and private; a just, equitable, and efficient means of

distribution direct to the people and through the lawful disbursements of the government.

"We demand the free and unrestricted coinage of silver and gold at the present legal ratio of sixteen to one, without waiting for the consent of foreign nations.

"We demand that the volume of circulating medium be speedily increased to an amount sufficient to meet the demands of the business population and to restore the just level of prices of labor and production.

"We denounce the sale of bonds and the increase of the public interest-bearing debt made by the present administration as unnecessary and without authority of law, and demand that no more bonds be issued except by specific act of congress.

We demand such legislation as will prevent the demonetization of the lawful money of the United States by private contract.

"We demand that the government, in payment of its obligations, shall use its option as to the kind of lawful money in which they are to be paid, and we denounce the present and preceding administrations for surrendering this option to the holders of government obligations."

The platform favors a graduated income tax, and declares that the decision of the supreme court was "a misinterpretation of the constitution" and an "invasion of the rightful powers of congress on the subject of taxation;" declares for postal savings banks, government ownership of railroads and telegraphs; for public lands for settlers only; condemns the Pacific land grants; calls for the election of president, vice president, and senators by direct vote of the people; direct legislation through the initiative and referendum; home rule in the territories; adjustment of public salaries to the prices of labor and its products; just pensions; an honest ballot; favors the immediate recognition of Cuba as "a free and independent state; " and demands foreclosure sales of the Pacific roads in default of payment of their obligations to the United States. It also asks for legislation to prevent United States courts from issuing injunctions for indirect contempt.

The platform contains no tariff plank.

Bryan and Watson Nominated.-Nominations for the vice-presidency were made at the evening session July 24. The following names were presented:

Representative Harry Skinner of North Carolina, nominated by Mr. Baumann of Alabama; seconded by Mr. Rodgers of California in behalf of Nevada; and Major Guthrie of North Carolina.

Thomas E. Watson of Georgia, nominated by Mr. Howard of Alabama; seconded by J. R. Sovereign, general master-workman of the Knights of Labor, in behalf of Arkansas; Mr. Johnson of California; Mr. Murphy of Georgia; Mr. Stockwell of Indiana; Judge Foster of Kansas; A. A. Gunby of Louisiana; B. B. Taylor of Michigan; Mr. Walton of Georgia; Mr. Donnelly of Minnesota; G. Abbott of Nebraska; and others.

Arthur Sewall of Maine, nominated by Lafe Pence of New York, formerly congressman from Colorado; seconded by W. A. Harris of Kansas; Mr. Fogg of Michigan; James Donovan of Montana; and Mr. Patterson of Colorado.

Frank Burkitt of Mississippi, nominated by Mr. Weller of Iowa; seconded by C. P. Gore of Mississippi; Mr. Reeves of Montana; and others.

A. L. Mimms of Tennessee, nominated by Captain Burnham of that state; seconded by G. M. Miller of Illinois; and Mr. Taylor of Kentucky.

Mann Page of Virginia, nominated by Mr. Bateman of Maine; seconded by South Dakota, and by General Field of Virginia.

The withdrawal of Mr. Mimms threw considerable support to Mr. Watson, who secured the nomination on the first ballot shortly after midnight.

On July 25 the convention nominated W. J. Bryan of Nebraska for the presidency, by an overwhelming majority on the first ballot. It appears that Mr. Bryan, while the struggle which resulted in the defeat of Mr. Sewall and the nomination of Mr. Watson was in progress, telegraphed to Senator Jones of Arkansas, chairman of the democratic national committee, who attended at St. Louis in the interests of Mr. Bryan, directing that his (Mr. Bryan's) name should be withdrawn in case Mr. Sewall were not nominated. However, his intention to refuse a nomination on a fusion ticket was never communicated officially to the delegates, and he was nominated without it being known whether he would decline or accept.

The following were the names presented:

W. J. Bryan of Nebraska, nominated by General James B. Weaver of Iowa, presidential candidate of the party in 1892; seconded by Mr. Cator of California; Mr. Hunt of Georgia; Colonel Clagett of Idaho; Mr. Taubeneck of Illinois; Mr. Kolb of Alabama; Jerry Simpson of Kansas; Mr. Miller of Tennessee; Mrs. Roberts of Colorado, in behalf of Louisiana; E. G. Brown of Massachusetts; E. S. Greece of Michigan; Mr. Donnelly of Minnesota; Mrs. Mary Elizabeth Lease of Kansas; Mr. Smith of Montana; Mr. Green of Nebraska; Mr. Kitchen of North Carolina: Mr. McDowell of Tennessee; and others.

S. F. Norton of Chicago, Ill., nominated by Henry W. Call of New York speaking for Maine; seconded by "Cyclone" Davis of Texas.

There was some talk of putting forward the name of Eugene V. Debs, president of the American Railway Union, who was imprisoned for his connection with the riots attending the great railway strike of 1894; but Mr. Debs declined to allow the use of his name.

The following table shows the result of the roll-call by

Totals as officially announced-Bryan, 1,024; Norton, 321; Donnelly, 3; Debs, 8; Coxey, 1.

cur.

Mr. Bryan was formally notified of his nomination by letter from the committee of notification (Senator W. V. Allen, chairman) dated September 14. The uncertainty of his willingness to accept, had caused the convention, shortly before adjourning, to authorize the national committee to fill any vacancies on the ticket which might ocHowever, on October 3, Mr. Bryan gave out a letter accepting the nomination of the people's party, professing that it had been tendered him on such honorable terms that he could accept it "without departing from the platform adopted by the national convention at Chicago," and appealing for a concentration of the silver vote upon one electoral ticket in each state. Mr. Watson was formally notified in a letter dated September 14 from Senator Butler, chairman of the notification committee.

WATSON, THOMAS E., people's party candidate for the vice-presidency in 1896, was born September 5, 1856, in Columbia co., Ga. After receiving a common school education he went to Mercer University,

at Macon. He stayed there two years; but lack of funds compelled him to leave college in his sophomore year, and he taught school for about two years, studying law by himself in the meantime. He entered an Augusta law office for a few weeks, and was admitted to practice in 1876. He opened an office in Thomson. He served a year in the Georgia legislature in 1882-3, and was democratic elector-atlarge in 1888. In 1890 he was elected to the 52d congress. He served only one term; for the next congress he ran as a populist, but was defeated by the regular democratic candidate, J. C. C. Black. He also ran for the 54th congress as a

populist, but was again defeated by Black.

In the house Mr. Watson was an eccentric figure and attracted considerable attention by his boisterous and fiery participation in many hot parliamentary fights. He soon showed his populistic tendencies in these debates. He came into special prominence by moving a vote of censure against Judge Cobb for speaking in a state of intoxication. Cobb wound up a rambling address by asking in bewilderment, "Where am I at?" a phrase which has since become famous. Judge Cobb indignantly denied the charge of drunkenness, and the house was satisfied with the explanation he made and rejected the motion to censure him.

EUGENE V. DEBS,

In the presidential campaign of 1892 Mr. Watson published a book for the use of populist speakers, that brought him into considerable further notoriety. In it he made wholesale charges against the character and qualifications of the house of representatives. He asserted that drunkenness was common in it, and that members frequently participated in important debates while intoxicated. Extravagance, the employment of swarms of useless employés, absenteeism, and the making of useless expen. ditures in every department, were some of his other allegations.

PRESIDENT OF THE AMERICAN RAILWAY UNION.

Mr. Watson was at this time a member of the house, and he was called to account for his statements. Mr. Wheeler of Alabama, one of the members whom Watson had attacked by name, took up the charges against himself and the house, and they were made the subject of a long debate. Watson defended himself, saying that all the charges in his book had been previously made by the press correspondents in Washington, and bidding open defiance to the democratic majority. A committee was appointed to investigate the charges,

which were not sustained; and at the election in the fall, Mr. Watson was defeated for re-election by Major J. C. C. Black, democrat.

In 1894 he ran again against Mr. Black, and was defeated; but, it having been alleged that fraud had been perpetrated by the democratic managers, Mr. Black resigned his seat, and another election was held, in which Mr. Black was again victorious.

Mr. Watson has lately been the editor of the Atlanta Press, a populist newspaper. He is a person of conspicuous appearance, thin, angular with a nervous face, clean shaven, and surmounted by a mass of red hair. A friendly biographer thus describes Mr. Watson's personal appearance: He is "a small, five-feet-seven man, with a face inclined to be weazened, apparently from intense earnestness and hard study. He is apparently frail in body, with red, clean-shaven, freckled face, blue eyes, red, sandy hair; and while his best friends would not call him pretty, character, conscience, earnestness, sensitiveness, and intellectuality are written all over his features." As a speaker he excels, being eloquent and having that indefinable quality of magnetism which carries away an audience. He was married in 1878, and has two children, a boy and a girl.

The National Silver Party Convention.-Under the auspices of the American Bimetallic Union, an outcome of the Washington free-silver conference held in January (p. 116). the first national convention of the national silver or "bimetallic party in the United States was held in St. Louis, Mo., July 22-24, simultaneously with the convention of the people's party. A statement from the secretary of the convention showed 946 delegates registered, with 146 alternates, representing thirty-six states and territories. A poll showed the previous affiliations of about 700 of the delegates to be as follows: 496 republicans, 135 democrats, 47 populists, 12 independents, 9 prohibitionists, 1 internationalist, and 1 greenbacker.

Dr. J. J. Mott of North Carolina, chairman of the national executive committee, called the convention to order. Representative F. G. Newlands of Nevada was temporary chairman. Permanent organization was effected under W. P. St. John, late president of the Mercantile National bank of New York city, as chairman; Charles A. Towne of Minnesota as vice-chairman; and R. E. Diffenderfer of Pennsylvania as secretary.

Most of the time of the convention was given up to addresses on the money question, that of Mr. St. John being an exceptionally strong presentation of the silver side. Ä committee was chosen to confer with a similar committee whose appointment by the populist convention, was requested. The result of the conferences was the adoption of the following resolution, which bound neither party to any definite course of action:

"Resolved, That it is the sense of this conference committee that