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faction must soon be at an end. In those countries in which public opinion has any force, no faction can well acquire the uscendant except by sowing dessention, and scattering strife through the rest of the community. As long as the people are united they must be strong, and their adversaries weak."
FROM THE YOUTHS.
"I have felt a more than ordinary satisfaction in receiving this loyal and affectionate address from the youths of the Metropolis.
"That heart must have been rendered callous by habit, or hardened by long intercourse with the world, which does not, instantly, revolt at the recital of any case—in which injustice, falsehood, and inhumanity, have been employed for the destruction of an individual. What is true— what is just—what is humane, is always in unison with the better sympathies of mankind; while the opposite to these never fail, in a greater or less degree, to excite disapprobation or to provoke abhorrence. Nature has marshalled all the sensibilities of youth on the side of virtue. Even the external countenance, sympathizing with the internal sentiment, proclaims to the sagacious spectator, the repugnance which the juvenile conscience feels on the first ingress into the confines of vice.
Generous sentiments and benevolent habits are ever amiable; but they are doubly interesting when exhibited in the freshness of youth. I trust that the youth of the metropolis will, during the whole period of their lives, be deeply impressed by the spectacle, which is at this moment placed before them. They see before them a Queen, who, though for five-and-twenty years she has been the object of unceasing barbarity and injustice, is at length on the point of being rescued from the grasp of her enemies, and is, at this moment, receiving the homage of a whole kingdom, while her enemies, as if ashamed of their own acts, are shrouding themselves in obscurity and shunning the light. In this memorable instance let the youth of the metropolis be impressed with this conviction: that truth will always ultimately triumph over falsehood, justice over injustice, and humanity over oppression. When the youth of the metropolis contemplate the vicissitudes of my life, let them consider how much high rank and elevated station are exposed to the shafts of fortune; and let them learn to consider happiness as more frequently found, as well as more securely fixed, in mediocrity of circumstances. Youth is apt to be dazzled by exterior appearances, and to pursue phantoms for realities; but let the experience of a Queen teach them, that no exterior possessions can produce happiness where they are not united with internal satisfaction, and that there can be no internal sătisfaction which is not inspired by the consciousness of integrity. Iniquity may look gay for a season, but always precarious, and usually fugitive, must be that florid tint upon the surface, where the canker has penetrated to the heart."
LIST OF THE PEERS
WHO VOTED FOR AND AGAINST THE SECOND READING OF
• OF THE MAJORITY OF TWENTY-EIGHT IN FAVOUR OF THE BILL.
Two Princes of the Blood, holding high offices at pleasure
Majesty's name from the Liturgy
Three Peers, who attended the prosecution, and were absent.from the defence-Duke of Newcastle, Earl of Sheffield, Earl of Hume
Printed and Published by M. A. CARLILE, 55, Fleet Street,
No. 12, Vol. 4.] LONDON, FRIDAY, Nov. 17, 1820. [PRICE 6d.
IT required but very little foresight to see that this Bill never could have been put into practice, even if the Ministers had carried it through the Parliament by their hired servants. They forced it to a third reading among the noble lords and then gave it up, having but a majority of nine in its favour. Now, we are at a loss to conceive what steps they will take next, to gratify the passions of their royal master. The House hath adjourned to the 23d instant, the day on which the Commons meet, and we shall expect to find that they will vote the Queen a whore, although they have failed in establishing any proof of the kind, even by their hired and well paid Italians. It is now a question whether they will follow the recommendation of Ellenborough, and send the King an Address, assuring him that he has been dishonoured and disgraced by his wife, or resign their places and take to their heels. Something must be done. It is impossible that the same Ministers can continue in their places without a further persecution of the Queen. The Queen cannot forgive them, nor they the Queen. The next obstacle is, how are the King and Queen to meet in their respective characters? Meet they must, if the King wishes to go through the ceremony of the coronation; as the nation will never tolerate the exclusion of the Queen from that ceremony. We see no possible means of settling this matter, unless the King goes down upon his knees and begs pardon of the nation and the Queen, or a NATIONAL CONVENTION be called to settle this matter, and other more important matters, such as reforming the Parliament. A national convention is the only legal and straight forward course of reforming the Parliament. The nation, as a whole, is, at all times, above all existing laws, and can act independent of all former enactments, either to the abolition of the whole, or to any purpose whatever. Any great national change that takes place without the consent of a national convention, is, and must ever be, illegal and unjust; and the actors, in pro Vol. IV. No. 12.
Printed by M. A. CARLILE, 55, Fleet Street.
ducing such a change, are, in fact, TRAITORS to the counTRY. The convention which called William and Mary to the throne, at the time of the expulsion of James the Second, was undoubtedly composed of traitors, and ought to have been punished as such. They were traitors to the country, to say nothing of their treason to a king who could do no wrong. We have a pretty instance here, how easily this last maxim can be got rid of when it suits the purpose of a faction in power.
We can now take something like a review of this last effort to destroy the Queen, although every day, every hour, will disclose further proofs and particulars of the conspiracy which has existed against her during her residence abroad. It should be recollected that the same men were ministers in 1814 as were ministers at this moment; we may in some measure except Canning, although there is no doubt but that he was the secret agent of the King in getting the Queen out of the country at that moment, and that his sham embassy to Lisbon arose out of that service and circumstance. This King, then Regent, and his Ministers, had no sooner got the Queen, then Princess of Wales, into a boat to get her across the Channel, but off went a host of spies to dog her steps; and this army of spies has been kept up until the moment of her Majesty's return to this country. These wretches had a double task to perform; they had to blacken the name of the Princess, as far as in them lay, wherever they went, and also to endeavour to bribe other persons to make depositions against her. We expect to be able to develope the name and character of one of those gentry by and by, who is not suspected at this moment. These spy-hounds having once begun the chase, the next step was to get all the foreign ministers and ambassadors of those places which her Majesty visited, to make official reports of the alleged misconduct of the Princess of Wales, and thus to use every influence to get her deserted by her English attendants. Thus the Stewarts, the Grimms, the Redens, the Omptedas, were all in fuil employ, and no doubt have spent half a million of the secret service money within these last six years, to prepare the late charge against her Majesty. We perceive that Mr. Cobbet estimates the expences of the present prosecution of the Queen at three hundred thousand pounds. Mr. Cobbet must certainly have confined himself to the expences of the present year, he cannot have taken all the circumstances into consideration. We are firmly of opinion that a million will not cover the whole expence, including all contingencies. Look at the