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As we left to the printer the making out the list of Paine's Works, last week, some apparent errors have been committed. All the Pieces marked "not seen" should have been omitted to correspond with the head, as they have never been published or seen in England, as far as the Publisher knows. And, in addition to that error, the following Pieces should have been marked as imperfect, of which it would be very desirable to get perfect copies. Agrarian Justice, (imperfect in the Preface)-Letter to Camille Jourdan-Letter to the People and Armies of France-To Forgetfulness with the remainder of the Reply to the Bishop of Landaff.

In consequence of a Piece being thrown out which was intended for the last number, the printer also furnished the article entitled "Was Jesus the Messiah or not?" which we do not understand to be an original, although it be introduced as such. Also, the Political Progress of Great Britain, should have been acknowledged, as an extract from Callender's Political Progress of Great Britain, an excellent pamphlet which exiled the author from Scotland in the year 1792 or 1793. This pamphlet is the best commentary on the Revolution of 1688 that can be found, and it would be well if some persons who are fond of dealing in data, (which we confess we are not) would continue that work down to the present time.

The Editor enters his protest against Mr. Callender's ob jections to a popular election. Where universal suffrage prevails there must inevitably be a free and unbiassed choice, and the people will improve their choice of representatives in the same ratio as they improve themselves in useful knowledge. The extract was not sent to the press by the Editor, or he would have shortened it by the last paragraph. It is ridiculous to compare the present state of political knowledge to the times of Thucydides, or Plutarch, or Guicciardini, or Machiavel. The principles of govern ment, as laid down by Thomas Paine, will obscure every former writer on political economy. No former writer ever had the opportunity of connecting the practical with the theoretical part of political economy as Paine had. The writings of Paine will stand as a monument of political wisdom when Montesquieu, Machiavel, Vattel, and a hundred others, are confined to the hands and the library of the antiquary.

Printed by M. A. CARLILE, 55. Fleet Street.

No. 15, Vol. 4.] LONDON, FRIDAY, Dec. 8, 1820. [PRICE 6d.


The Tribute of a Republican.

Dorchester Gaol, Dec. 1, 1820.

MADAM, A MAN more decidedly averse to the hereditary monarchical form of Government than myself does not exist, nor a man whose esteem for you as the Queen of England, is greater or more sincere. This is no paradox. In the first place, I hold an hereditary monarchy to be a disgrace to men who wish to be called or considered free. Under an occasional reign, the country might feel something like freedom, but there can be no real stability; the change of monarchs, or the change of disposition in the same monarch, might make that freedom a burlesque, or something more degrading than direct slavery. On this last ground, my supposition is borne out by existing circumstances in this country, and by the treatment which has been so cruelly continued towards yourself. It is evident, and neither to be concealed or denied, that the whole of your persecution has resulted from the caprice of the King your husband. Is it not then ridiculous to have a magistrate whom the laws of the country cannot cashier for such gross misconduct. Is it at all compatible with a free state, that such a man should continue such conduct with impunity, and waste the wealth, and impeach the character of the country by such an outrage on its morals, and then shield himself under that ridiculous maxim, that a King can do no wrong? Can your bosom, Madam, respond an assent to this last maxim? I should think not.

As a virtuous woman, I admire the courage you have assumed during your late perils, and the complete manner in which you have asserted your rights, and convinced the people of England of your innocence. As the Queen of England, I admire you because you have shewn yourself worthy of that high situation; and should it be your lot to become Vol. IV. No. 15.

Printed by M. A. CARLILE, 55, Fleet Street.

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Queen Regnant in this country, I should feel myself bound to cease all attack upon monarchy, because as you have no heirs, and are not likely to have any, I should expect to see you cultivate that disposition among the people, which your dignified answers to your addressers have, so fully and nobly pourtrayed-the love of liberty-the love of knowledge and intellectual accomplishments:-and leave them after your decease to choose their own system of Government, or their future Chief Magistrates. Yes, Madam, I am sure every man who now wishes to abolish monarchy in this country, would wish to lay aside that object to avenge your wrongs, and to study to make the remainder of your days, days of peace, of happiness, and of glory. I am certain that the sense of the nation, if fairly expressed by its representatives, would desire nothing better than to have you at its head, and I verily think we shall be gratified in that desire, if your enemies move hand or foot, or tongue, against you again, in an official manner. Calumny and slander is a habit to them as powerful as a second nature; therefore, we must expect that you will find it from them, whilst they dare not move further. Whilst your enemies have been scattering their firebrands throughout the country, you, Madam, have conferred an important benefit on the people, by the mass of moral instruction and useful knowledge you have disseminated among them. Your answers to your addressers have reached every cottage in every corner of the Island, and they will be valued as high, as the fables called Holy Writ have been valued; they will be read under a similar impression, but with the additional satisfaction, that they destroy and not encourage delusion. It is above all things important that they should be collected into a cheap volume, and become a new Revelation, not divine but noble. Former Queens have displayed what has bitherto been deemed grandeur and splendour, but it has been reserved for you, Madam, to become the Royal Patroness and Exhibitant of the grandeur and splendour of intellectual knowledge, and all that dignifies man and makes him the chief of animals. It has been reserved for you, Madam, to give a stimulus to the energies of a people aspiring to freedom, and the destruction of those chains which are rivetted upon both body and mind. It has been reserved for you, to unite in one focus the moral energies of the nation, which by the intrigue of faction and the power of corruption, have been much too long kept in a jarring state, and in a measure rendered nugatory.

The brutal chivalry of old will lose its imaginary lustre when the moral chivalry of this Island, in defence of an injured and persecuted Queen, and that Queen a friend to the human race, shall be crowned with victory and its prize of contention. The annals of history display no kind of chivalry like unto that, which the inhabitants of this Island have displayed, in shielding you from the power of vice. To me it appears necessary, to crown well that chivalry, will be to make you the last Queen of Britain. You might well say, that the people are your children, and to them you may justly leave all hereditary right, when you pass the bar of nature. Leave them free and unshackled to act for themselves, and the name of Queen Caroline of Britain will extinguish all former romantic, chivalric, or fairy tales. You will live in statue and in song, as long as Britain shall be inhabited by the descendants of the present inhabitants. You must not for a moment, Madam, think yourself secure without the support of the united body of the people. Be it your study to keep the people in a state of union, and confine their attention to one object-that object which you have so nobly avowed in your answers to their addresses, and you may defy your enemies. Without the people you can do nothing; and if, unfortunately, you should listen to the members of that faction, who call themselves Whigs and talk about something they call moderate reform, you will fiud yourself in an instant engulphed in inextricable misery. Follow the public voice, or rather lead it, and the Whigs will follow you; but if you once suffer them to direct you, their first object will be to create a disunion between yourself and the people, and then make you an instrument to their nefarious purposes. If they had a supreme controul, they would not be a tittle better than the present Administration. They are pliant servants when they are kept in their proper places, but most disgusting masters when in authority,

I recollect well in the year 1814, a few weeks before you unfortunately, or I may now say fortunately, quitted the shores of this country, your husband then thought that he had crushed all opposition, and that his uncontrouled will was to be the law. You were then treated with every kind of insult and marked contumely, even whilst the Continental Emperors, Kings, and Princes, were in this country. But even at this moment your husband wished to paint himself as the promoter of concord: he had no idea that an infamous conduct towards a virtuous wife could the less render him the

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unfit emblem of peace and concord. Yes, Madam, at that very moment, a large transparency was prepared for exhibition at an illumination of Carlton House, which displayed your mild and amiable husband, in the character of another St. George destroying the hydra of discord and faction. This design would have been exhibited, had it not been for the remonstrance of Lord Liverpool, who saw through the inconsistency of the thing, and frankly told his master that the emblem but ill accorded with the jarring and unhappy state of his own family. Again the Temple of Concord in the Green Park, with the Chinese Pagoda. and the Serpentine River Fleet, was another anomaly, which to my certain knowledge cost the country a million of money. The Temple of Concord in the Green Park, which was first displayed as a besieged Castle, and then by an artificial magic changed into the former to display the change from war to peace; there too, your husband was painted as driving all the fiends of war, discord, and faction, from the earth to their fabulous regions! Here was a wanton waste of the public money as disgraceful as that in your late prosecution, which amused or rather attracted the attention of the inhabitants of the metropolis for a day, but could not delude them for a moment. Even Even amidst all those gewgaws, your amiable husband was hissed, hooted, and pelted, for his abominable treatment of his wife. But the idea of such a man causing himself to be painted as the emblem of concord is monstrous indeed! It is madness! There was a report at the time that some alarming symptoms of the hereditary insanity had appeared, but unfortunately, it has been proved not to be that mild melancholy or harmless insanity to which his father was unfortunately subject.

One of the main charges against you, Madam, I consider to have been a monstrous perversion of moral virtue. I allude to the charge of Bergami's elevation, and his endeavours to provide for his family as far as possible in your service. It is above all other things a proof that he was an honest and moral man. If Bergami had been what your enemies have endeavoured to paint him, his first object would have been to have disowned and discarded all his former relatives. He could not for a moment have tolerated the sight of any one of them, if he had been the haughty ambitious upstart they have endeavoured to paint him. He would have looked upon his poor relatives in the same service, as a continual memento of his former humble condition, and he would have burned with a desire to be rid of them.

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