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opinion that if the present Ministers are determined to hold their places (for I do not believe that the King would williogly part with them) it is desirable that they commence new persecutions: for to you, Madam, their submission must be a thousand times more disgusting than their hate. Then there are but two things to desire from them, that they either retire or continue to annoy. This must be the wish of all, for either way will lead to the same effect. There has been one thing evident throughout all their conduct towards you, Madam, and continues to be evident even now, they wish to get you out of the country; and I am sorry not to see a public and distinct pledge from you, that on no condition whatever will you voluntarily quit the country. I am sorry to say, that I was not satisfied with your answer to the Citizens of London on that head; the answer was not decisive-it was vague and had too many, of what is vulgarly called, loop-holes. It was the hope of getting you out of the country that made the ministers persist in refusing you a palace. The Protocol Meetings gave them confidence on that head, and if the ministers could for a moment place you under the influence and advice of Mr. Brougham, they would manage you just as they like. The moment you quit the country, you will lay the foundation of disasters greater than you have yet encountered. A reformed Parliament never would support an absent Queen, and if you lose the confidence of the people, which you can only do by listening to bad advice, you will at that moment lose all future support in a pecuniary point of view. Alderman Wood has given us a distinct pledge that you will not leave the` country; but we know, that of all those who surround you in your privacy, he is the only individual who would press that advice upon you. The people are anxious to have an unequivocal pledge that you never will forsake them, and you will immediately find a pledge echoed back that they never will forsake your Majesty. It is no longer a question that some great change must take place in this country, and that very soon; and it is above all things necessary and desirable, that your Majesty should assist the people in procuring that change in the best possible manner. As well as the people, you have every thing to gain by it, and nothing to lose but the malice of your enemies. I again repeat, and I do not deem it a delusion, that it is more than probable that you will become the last Queen of Britain: an honour far greater than that which attached to the first. Give the people an opportunity of saying that for the honour of Queen Caroline no monarch shall succeed her. The representative

system of government cannot long tolerate the monarchical form of government, nor can a hereditary monarch endure the representative system of government. If we want an example, let us look to Spain and see the mean and dirty intrigues to which Ferdinand submits to destroy the present system he would sacrifice two-thirds of the people to restore an absolute power to himself. He affects a regard for the new constitution, but it is visible to all Europe that he seeks to destroy it, and the sooner Spain is rid of him and his family the better. There is a republican spirit pervading all Europe, as well as the two great continents of America, and the wars, taxes, and oppressions, which are the concomi tants of monarchy, will teach mankind the necessity of governing themselves. Far be it for me to offer an insult to you, Madam, as a member of a Royal Family, I flatter myself that your good sense euables you to perceive what I state to be a truth. You avow yourself to be a lover of liberty. Liberty can only be defined to be a government founded on the will and pleasure of the people, for in an abstract point of view, every individual of the same society is or should be personally equal, and distinctions ought alone to follow virtue, talent, and industry, which will ever be the sources of property where equal laws procure or confer equal rights. No man ought to be allowed to rise superior to his fellow or his neighbour, but in proportion to his superior acquirements, virtuously employed. This and this alone is the true definition of the word liberty, and this I trust is the definition which your Majesty attaches to it: for all other definitions are unfounded and improper. Where truth is denounced as seditious and blasphemous, and falsehood alone sanctioned and cherished, there is no liberty: for mental slavery is the very worst of slavery. It matters not whether my opinions be or be not correct, it is sufficient that I believe them correct, and feel an impression of their being founded upon truth, to authorize me to publish them to the world whilst I am not allowed to do this, I have not liberty, or I despise any other species of liberty, because a man, who sincerely seeks after truth, finds the object nearest his heart to be an anxiety to communicate his sentiments to a criticising public, and test them by the sentiments of others. Where this is allowed there is liberty; where it is not allowed there is no liberty. Great moral changes are to be effected by no other means, and if this country obtains a reformed Parliament within a few months or years, it will be the result of those sentiments having been boldly published which have led to the punishment of the parties concerned in

publishing them. All changes are deprecated by the interested in existing abuses, and they will seek to destroy the first advocates of such a change, and punish all others whilst sufficient power remains. Thus has every reform gone on, that has hitherto benefited mankind.

Sentiments are daily avowed in, the places called places of worship, which we should blush to read in print. These pass unmolested, because delusion is the prevailing object with all corrupt and ill-founded power; but those who, through the medium of the Press, question existing abuses, doubt the validity of generally and long received opinions, or attempt to point out their erroneous foundation, are immediately decried as innovators and enemies of God and man! Here is no liberty. Because, if I am compelled to subscribe to opinions and utter sentiments which are not my own, I am a slave to that which I dislike and which I feel to be wrong. Those who dread the propagation of truth, are the real enemies of God and man; for if any thing can be fairly considered an attribute or semblance of the Deity, it must be Truth. Error deceives, and as it strengthens, engenders corruption, but Truth is pure in all its ramifications, however extensive, or however ancient. Truth is ever new, ever the same; its foundation is in the nature of things, and cannot change; it is the only stable commodity that mankind enjoys, or God dispenses, and of this we are cheated by corrupt powers, and unnatural systems of Government. Your Majesty's answers to your addressers have done much to expose error, falsehood, and corruption, and it is this, connected with your sufferings, which has united the mass of the people with you; and it is in the hope of your continuation to propagate similar principles, should you possess more power than at present, that makes us anxious to bestow upon you the sceptre of this Island.

have on other occasions, in this publication, stated your Majesty's sufferings so fully, that I do not feel the necessity of repeating them here to shew that I am fully alive to them. I am one of those who have been prevented by their situation from paying personal homage to you, but my unplastered walls can bear witness, and they alone, that the involuntary tear has oft trickled down my cheek at reading of your wrongs, and the sympathy which the People have shewn you--it has been the tear of joy-it has been the tribute of moral feeling of which I am proud to boast. Every vein in me has swelled with indignation at reading the developement of the filthy tales manufactured by your

more filthy accusers. I have blushed for my country, to think that it should have become the nursery of such atrocities, and that Englishmen should sit quietly down under such a Government. The schemes of your enemies have certainly been defeated so far, but there is a danger of their making a private attempt upon your life. No shame, no idea of lost honour can induce them to resign their places; they still hold fast, and in holding fast their power they will stick at nothing to secure it: their revenge will increase with their ignominy. One of their maxims will be to surround your Majesty with their agents, and thus learn every sentiment of your bosom. Those agents will come to you with the warmest protestations, they will put on the external appearance of being your most sincere friends, they will urge you to expressions of resentment, or perhaps make propositions of resistance to the powers that be, with a hope of finding your approbation. This is the common method of the present Ministers with all persons whom they fear, and there is no method of guarding against such agents, but in the strictest reserve. The only way to steer clear of those creatures is, never to discountenance any of their projects, but at the same time not to offer the slightest encouragement to them, or offer an opinion in any shape: a marked indifference of this kind baffles them, and by their anxiety to entrap others, they are almost sure to expose themselves. Spies will be found in the Aristocracy as mean and as wicked as in any other class of society; and as your AttorneyGeneral is the avowed advocate of spies, I think there may be some danger from him or his acquaintance. He is avowedly the servant of the Administration if it will employ him in a profitable post. He is far from being the best friend of your Majesty, and it is the hope of the great body of the people that he will never possess much influence as an adviser. Hold fast the honest Alderman and you will not err, as there are but few men so popular, or few who have a better knowledge of the state of public feeling, which is a main point for your Majesty's direction.

That the people of this Island will ultimately effect their emancipation, there is no doubt; but the precise time, or the occurrence which may eventually lead to it, are not to be ascertained at present. I am of opinion that much depends upon the manner in which your Majesty shall identify yourself with the people. You have the power to lead them to any object that is connected with their interest, and the more lively feeling you may enkindle among them, the more una

nimity will be shewn, and the greater will be your own security. Your enemies fear nothing but your virtues and the people. They had hoped, by their disgusting detail of filth, and by the filthy manner in which the Attorney-General, Gifford, introduced the subject in the House of Lords, to have paralized all public feeling in your behalf, and by their many-tongued hydra, to have thrown such a weight of slander into the scale of paralized feeling, as to have made their cause popular, or at least to have silenced murmur and complaint. This was their scheme, but it has miscarried, and that entirely from the notorious bad characters of its projectors. It is not often that a very vicious man and a similar woman are allied in matrimony, and if it does so happen, they seldom separate; but from like passions shew each other mutual toleration. This evidently is not the case of your Majesty, and from the people knowing that your husband was a man totally devoid of virtue, and knowing your early separation, they have naturally and justly given you credit for the contrary. It was the known vices of your prosecutor, who has never for a moment been mistaken by the people, that saved you from the influence of Mr. Attorney-General Gifford's base and lying charge: thus it is, that slander becomes dead-born when its source is known to be corrupt and vicious.


It seems a moral impossibility that your Majesty should ever again form any thing lik a union with the members of the Royal Family, or that part of them who are the brothers and sisters of your husband: and this state of things still increases their hate towards you. They dread and lament your popularity, because it is calculated to render them still more unpopular, and that before was quite needless. For years past they have been scouted by the people, and have moved about in fear and disgust, if we except the popularity obtained by the Dukes of Kent and Sussex by their attendance on, and support of, charitable institutions: and even they were in a manner discarded by the rest of the Family. Your popularity is much too high to authorize you to succumb even to the King himself. Public feeling has granted you a Bill of Divorce from him, although it will not allow him to take another wife, and to displace you from the regal right and title of Queen. You are his Queen, but no longer his wife: of such a woman for a wife he is not deserving.

Another circumstance, not the least in importance, is the treatment your Majesty has received from nearly all the

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