according to their sincere intention to ensure and improve the harmony and good understanding, which so happily subsist at present between their said Majesties.

In this view, his Britannic Majesty engages to give the most positive orders for the evacuation of the countries abovementioned, by all his subjects of whatever denomination: but if, contrary to such declaration, there should still remain any persons so daring, as to presume, by retiring into the interior country, to endeavour to obstruct the entire evacuation already agreed upon, his Britannic Majesty, so far from affording them the least succour, or even protection, will disavow them in the most solemn manner, as he will equally do those who may hereafter attempt to settle upon the territory belonging to the Spanish dominion.

Art. 12. The evacuation agreed upon shall be completely effected within the space of six months after the exchange of the ratifications of this Convention, or sooner, if it can be done.

Art. 13. It is agreed that the new grants described in the preceding Articles, in favour of the English nation, are to take place as soon as the aforesaid evacuation shall be entirely accomplished.

Art. 14. His Catholic Majesty, prompted solely by motives of humanity, promises to the King of England, that he will not exercise any act of severity against the Mosquitos, inhabiting in part the countries which are to be evacuated, by virtue of the present Convention, on account of the connexions which may have subsisted between the said Indians and the English and his Britannic Majesty, on his part, will strictly prohibit all his subjects from furnishing arms, or war-like stores, to the Indians in general, situated upon the frontiers of the Spanish posses

sions.

Art. 15. The two courts shall mutually transmit to each other duplicates of the orders, which they are to dispatch to their respective governors and commanders in America, for the accomplishment of the present Convention; and a frigate, or proper ship of war, shall be appointed, on each side, to observe in conjunction that all things are performed in the best order possible, and with that cordiality and good faith of which the two sovereigns have been pleased to set the example.

Art. 16. The present Convention shall be ratified by their Britannic and Catholic

Majesties, and the ratifications exchanged, within the space of six weeks, or sooner, if it can be done.

In witness whereof, we the undersigned ministers plenipotentiary of their Britannic and Catholic Majesties, in virtue of our respective full powers, have signed the present Convention, and have affixed thereto the seals of our arms.-Done at London, this 14th day of July, 1786.

CARMARTHEN (L. S.)

Le Chev. del CAMPO (L. S.)

At the time of exchanging our sovereigns ratifications of the Convention signed the 14th of July last, we the undersigned ministers plenipotentiary have agreed, that the visit of the English and Spanish commissaries, mentioned in the 4th Article of the said Convention, with respect to the island of Cayo Casina, is to extend in like manner to all the other places, whether in the islands, or on the continent, where the English cutters shall be situated. In witness whereof, we have signed this declaration, and affixed thereto the seals of our arms.-London, this 1st of September, 1786.

CARMARTHEN, (L. S.)

Le Marquis del CAMPO, (L. S.)

Debate in the Commons on the State of the Trade with Portugal.] Jan. 29. Mr. Minchin rose, and having observed that the Chancellor of the Exchequer, upon a former occasion, signified to the House his determination of naming as early a day as possible for the consideration of the treaty of navigation and commerce concluded with France, added, that as he conceived that treaty to be only one part of a commercial system adopted by government for the benefit of this country, and that our trade with Portugal was also a neces sary and material part of that system, be wished to know what the state of our tråde with that country had been for the last ten years, before he was called upon to give a vote upon the treaty with France. He then moved, "That an account of the quantity of woollen goods exported from the port of London to Portugal, between the 1st Jan. 1777, and the 1st Jan. 1787, be laid before the House."

Mr. Pitt hoped the House would do him the justice to believe, that he did not entertain the most distant intention of objecting either to the present motion, or to any other which might be thought likely to afford information, but he greatly feared

the bearings and tendencies of the other.

Mr. Pitt said, that although not in the least more inclined than the right hon. gentleman, to make the commercial treaty a point of immediate discussion, yet if there were any leading points as to the propriety of the day on which they ought to enter into the investigation of it, the nature and extent of the information they ought to have before them, previous to their discussion of it, or any particulars likely to affect the turn of the debate, he should think it for the general accommo. dation of the House to have those points decided on a day prior to the day of the main debate; and, therefore, if any gentleman had any doubt upon his mind of the description to which he had alluded, he should be glad to know it, that when he submitted to the House the day on which he should wish the treaty to be taken into consideration, a day might at the same time be fixed for the discussion and decision of such doubts. As in a commercial treaty there were necessarily various articles of detail, which required to be ultimately settled by a convention negociated subsequent to the treaty, such a convention had been concluded; but as the ratifications of it had not arrived, he waited merely for their arrival, before he proposed a day for taking the treaty into consideration. The right hon. gentleman had laid down one position with much greater appearance of heat and passion than had been necessary, as it was a position, that it would be difficult to find a man on either side of the House willing to deny; viz. that it was the duty of his Majesty's government, when they negociated a treaty of commerce with France, not to have been inattentive to the consideration of the state of our existing treaty and future trade with Portugal. This was not only true in itself, but it was actually unnecessary for him to say any thing to prove that his Majesty's ministers had been duly attentive to the treaty subsisting with Portugal, and the future trade with that kingdom, when they negociated the commercial treaty with France, because that very treaty upon the face of it bore incontrovertible evidence of their having done so, as it contained an express reserve in favour of Portugal, enabling this country, whenever Portugal shewed herself by her conduct entitled to a continuance of the advantages she enjoyed at our hands by virtue of the Methuen treaty, to secure

a continuance of those advantages to that kingdom. The right hon. gentleman had been a little incorrect in his expression, when he had said, that a resolution of the House to carry the commercial treaty with France into execution, would be a breach of the Methuen treaty with Portugal. A breach of that treaty, the carrying the commercial treaty with France into execution, would not amount to, but it would rather put an end to the Methuen treaty; because by that treaty, Portugal stipulated to grant certain advantages to this country so long as this country gave her wines a preference by admitting them under duties specifically lower than those paid by the wines of other countries. Though it were to be wished that Mr. Fawkener might return from Portugal, and bring with him the expected agreement of that Court to the treaty in negociation, or an account that the negociation was terminated one way or another, prior to the day of discussion of the French treaty, yet the House might fairly come to a resolution of approbation of the treaty with France, as that treaty contained a clause of reserve, enable Great Britain to continue to Portugal the advantages she derived from the Methuen treaty, at any subsequent period.

Mr. Fox admitted, that a resolution to approve and carry into execution the commercial treaty with France, would rather be a putting an end to the Methuen treaty than a breach of it, but he denied that the two treaties were separate considerations. He urged, that even under that view of the case, and supposing either that Mr. Fawkener had not returned, or that the treaty negociating with Portugal was terminated one way or the other, then the minister ought to make known to that House what his future intentions were with respect to Portugal, before he called upon the House to give their approbation of the treaty with France. He observed, that the moment the commercial treaty had received their sanction, that House was bound in honour and sincerity to proceed to carry it into execution, and as it was an undoubted fact, that an abundant number of speculations were depending and waiting for the execution of the treaty, if the House came to a resolution of ap probation, it was their indispensable duty to enact laws for carrying it into execution as soon as possible after the resolu tion was passed, in order that the various speculations might be realized, and the

country set at rest respecting it. He held it to be so absolutely necessary, that the House should have before them information of the present state of the trade behtween this country and Portugal, and of the state in which it would be put after the French treaty was carried into effect, e previous to the discussion of that treaty, that he should think it his duty to take 1 the sense of the House on that point previous to the investigation of the general i, and main question on the treaty itself.

Mr. Pitt expressed his astonishment, that the right hon. gentleman should with such uncommon ardour urge the necessity of speedily carrying the treaty into execution, in order to realize the speculations grounded upon it, and yet wish to delay the coming to a resolution respecting it, which was an unavoidable preliminary proceeding. After a resolution of approbation (if such should pass) the forms of the House rendered it impossible to pass any bills in consequence into laws, without their being obliged to go through various stages, which would indispensably take up several days, and occasion much delay. Though Mr. Fawkener might not therefore return or send any intelligence by the time that the resolution might pass, yet, before the Bill relative to wines, which might be grounded upon it, should pass the committee, information might arrive, and then it would be time enough to make the provision in favour of Portugal, should Portugal think proper to entitle herself to , favour. But whether any information arrived from Portugal or not, still he held the part of the treaty, respecting French wines, to be a wise measure. prepared to declare in either event, that whether the advantages of the Methuen treaty were continued to Portugal or not, it was wise to agree with France as the commercial treaty stipulated.

He was

Mr. Burke applauded the candour of the minister, and admitted that he had acted throughout with perfect consistency, but declared, that where a system was bad, in that case consistency was bad also. What struck him as extraordinary was, that the first time any complaints of the non-compliance of Portugal with the terms of the Methuen treaty were breathed in that House, was, when a commercial treaty had been concluded with France. Then and then only did such a matter burst upon them. He was aware that the merchants had complained so long ago as the year 1758, but as a member of parliament he

had heard of no complaint till he had heard of the commercial treaty with France. This was a new era, and before the kingdom of Portugal, which the Methuen treaty tied and bound, as it were, to this country, was let loose, and all our connexions with that kingdom, and the benefits which resulted in consequence, for so many years, were abandoned by Great Britain, it behoved that House to act cautiously, to have complete information before them, and to know the full extent of the sacrifice that the right hon. gentleman wished them to make to France, as the price of the advantages expected to result from carrying the commercial treaty into complete execution.

Mr. W. W. Grenville said, that although the right hon. gentleman had begun with charging his right hon. friend with inconsistency, yet he had not been able to substantiate the accusation in any other way than by a bare-faced and palpable misrepresentation of his whole speech. For instance, he had endeavoured to give a turn to his right hon. friend's argument, as if he had stated that he looked upon the French treaty as a sacrifice of the present subsisting treaties with Portugal, and vindicated it upon that ground; whereas, in fact, no such sentiment had dropped from him. He had only observed, that the French treaty would in no degree preclude Great Britain from adhering to the spirit of the Methuen treaty, should the court of Portugal shew a disposition to entitle herself to a continuation of the benefits resulting from that treaty, but also, that whether Portugal should or should not come to a proper settlement with this country on the matters at present in dispute between them; in either case the French treaty was a most wise and beneficial object. Extraordinary, indeed, was the assertion of the right hon. gentleman, (Mr. Burke) that he never had, until that day, been apprised of any defection on the part of Portugal, from the provisions and spirit of the Methuen treaty. It was impossible for any gentleman, who had paid so much attention to the commercial concerns of this country, to be ignorant of a circumstance so universally known, as that repeated complaints had been made of the ineffectual manner in which that treaty had been carried into execution on the part of Portugal, so far back as the year 1767, from which period that country had been gradually departing from it more and more.