the insertion of an additional month into the Jewish calendar, -instead of seven, eight Rabbins had appeared. The Nasi, indignant at the intrusion, without naming him, ordered the individual who had come uninvited to withdraw. To spare another the affront, Samuel immediately rose, and declared that he had been the uninvited assessor, pleading as excuse that he had only come to gain information. Rabban Gamaliel understood the motive of Samuel, and bade him stay as being in every way worthy to act as member of such an assemblage. This conduct, more accommodating than truthful, insured him general commendation.1 According to popular opinion, a voice from heaven pronounced him to be "the worthiest of his age." At his death the Nasi himself delivered a funeral discourse.

A difficult and intricate question in Jewish history is that which refers to the identity or diversity of Onkelos (whose name is attached to a paraphrase in Aramaic) and Akylas or Aquila, who has left a Greek translation of the Old Testament. There is, however, now a general agreement among scholars that the two personages are identical, and that the Aramaic Targum of Onkelos is really a translation in the manner of Aquila, made perhaps in the third century, but based on materials of considerably earlier date. Recent Jewish writers 2 have, on most insufficient grounds, sought to identify this Akylas with Aquila, the husband of Priscilla, who was so eminent an ornament of Christianity. Of the life of Akylas, or Onkelos, we know but little, for much that is told about him is certainly fabulous. The stories connected with his history, as recorded by the Fathers, and in the writings of the Rabbins, however, are, that Akylas was originally a noble heathen, a native of Sinope, in Pontus, and related to the Emperor Hadrian; that at the time of the return of the Christians from Pella, he had, on seeing certain miracles performed by them, adopted Christianity, but never wholly given up mystical studies; that he had finally been

1 Jer. Sanh. i. 18c; comp. b. Sanh. 11.

4

2 Grätz, iv. 437 ff.

s Hieron. Ep. ad Pam. 57; Epiph. de Mens. et Ponder. 14 f.

4 Tanchuma, Mishpatim; comp. Exod. Rab. 30, and Epiph. ut supra.

expelled from the Church, and then adopted Judaism. Other authorities ascribe his apostasy to love of a Jewish maiden. Be this as it may, Akylas became at last a most zealous traditionalist, and, by his learning and influence, materially assisted the Jewish cause. He seems to have been acquainted with the Nasi Gamaliel II., in honour of whom he celebrated costly and even royal funeral solemnities. He is described as even more strict in his observance of the Law than the Patriarch himself.1 After his father's death he received his share of the inheritance due to him, but would not consent to take an equivalent for the idols which his brothers had retained. In fact, he threw the compensation sent him into the Dead Sea.2

Akylas was a friend of Rabbins Eleazar and Joshua, but especially of the celebrated Akiba, by whose instructions he chiefly profited. His translation of the Bible was almost painfully literal. The expressions which in the original admit of a doubtful or double interpretation, are rendered into Greek in a manner analogous.3 In biblical interpretation he followed the method of his teacher, and adapted his version to the purposes of Akiba's exegesis. At a later period Akylas recast his translation, when it became, if possible, still more in agreement with the comments of his master. This version he submitted to Rabbins Eleazar, Joshua, and Akiba, who highly approved of it, and applied to it the Scripture prediction, according to which Japhet (the type of Grecianism) should dwell in the tents of Shem.5 It may here be remarked, that the version of the LXX. had formerly been used everywhere by the Jews in the Dispersion, and perhaps also in Palestine. But, owing to the fuller recognition of the deficiencies of the Septuagint, and still more to the use made of it by Christians, this version fell into disfavour. Later Rabbins compared the day on which it had been finished to that on which the golden calf had

1 Tosef. Chag. iii.

2 Jerus. Demai vi. 25d.

3 Grätz, iv. 114. Aquila also attempted to reproduce Hebrew etymologies in Greek.

4 Hieron. in Ezek. c. iv.

5 Megilla 96.

been worshipped.1 On the other hand, the Rabbinistic translation of Akylas was pronounced faultless, declared of equal sanctity with the Hebrew original, and its public use was recommended.

We shall afterwards have occasion to recur to this subject, and meantime return to the political events which befell Israel at this period.

1 Mass. Soferim i. 7.

CHAPTER VII

THE LAST JEWISH WAR UNDER BAR COCHBA

It will be remembered that the aged Nerva had felt obliged to associate Ulpius Trajanus with himself in the empire. He did not long survive this event. Nerva died in January 98, and left to Trajan the sole direction of the empire. The new emperor was popular with the legions, strong enough to repress the licentious mob, and dreaded by foreign enemies, so that his accession seemed to bode nothing but prosperity to Rome. Nor were the expectations of his subjects deceived. Trajan's administration showed that he was actuated by principles of moderation and justice, and he alone of the Roman emperors received the title of "the Best." 1 Nevertheless, his reign was not to be one of peace. [It would be unjust to Trajan to suppose that his wars were due solely to a desire of conquest; but he was by training and habit a soldier, and it was natural that he should prefer to solve the difficulties which arose on the frontiers, rather by recourse to arms than by the arts of diplomacy. Accustomed to life in the camp, he must have found it irksome to live in the constraints of society at Rome. The army had now, through his reforms, been brought to a high state of efficiency, and a statesman like Trajan could see the advantages to be gained by readjusting the boundaries of the empire.2] But it was also needful to consider whether the circumstances of the State rendered fresh conquests expedient. The case is different with a young nation which enters on the career of military grandeur and overruns older empires, and a vast empire 1 Pliny, Paneg. c. 88; Dio Cassius, lxviii. 23.

2 Comp. Mommsen, Provinces, ii. 70 f.

which has already begun to exhibit signs of decay, and whose boundaries only touch upon barbarous tribes. In general, the latter will rarely be permanently subdued, unless they are conquered by the civilisation as well as by the arms of their opponents, or unless their territory can be readily occupied. These conditions could be carried out only to a limited extent in the wars waged by Trajan. Consequently, his campaigns led only to endless contests, alike fruitless and weakening to the empire.

About three years after his accession, Trajan led his legions against the barbarians who inhabited the northern bank of the Danube (the present Roumania), with whom Domitian had formerly concluded a dishonourable peace, by which he had even consented to become tributary to them. Trajan was more successful, but it was not till the year 107 that Dacia was fully converted into a Roman province. On his return to Rome, Trajan celebrated his victories by splendid popular entertainments, which lasted for 123 days in succession, and perpetuated their memory by a column on which these exploits were represented, and a colossal figure of himself was placed. But it was principally the East which engaged his attention. [Here his presence was urgently demanded by the somewhat dubious state of relations between the empire and the Parthians. The Parthian king had presumed to nominate a successor to the throne of Armenia, although that State was vassal to Rome. It is true that King Chosroes and his nominee, alarmed by the threats of Trajan, expressed themselves ready to submit to the emperor's wishes; but Trajan had resolved to avoid such troubles in future by reducing Armenia to the form of a province, and as a necessary consequence to extend the frontier line of the empire to the Tigris. All overtures for peace were summarily rejected.] In the spring of 118 A.D., the old emperor, now in his sixty-third year, put himself at the head of his legions, and overran the Parthian dominions. Hampered by dissensions within his realm, King Chosroes could not resist his victorious progress. The occupant of the Armenian throne was deposed, and his country converted into a province of