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As we shall, before many days, most probably have| 'certain official statements relative to the late trans

NEW YORK, March 31, actions in Florida, we refrain from giving place to mouth, (Eng.) has communicated to us the following Captain Noble, of the ship Herald from Ports. the various articles respecting that country which intelligence: appear in the papers.

"The privateer schooner Speedwell, captain Ha An American frigate and her crew. The United milton, sailed from Guernsey the latter end of Fe States is commanded by comntodore Decatur, who bruary for the Bay of Biscay, to cruise for Ameri is but thirty-three years of age, and has a crew, cans. The first night after sailing, a black man, an which he has been about two years in training, eve- American, one of the crew, went into the main hold ry man of which (excepting an older seamen who saved his life at Tripoli) is younger than himself, and native American citizens, and one third of which have been from two to six years on board of British men of war. Such a vessel will not disgrace her flag.

Col.

A fine steer was lately killed for the Philadelphia market, bred in Chenango county, New York, the off spring of a deer and a cow.

The most beautiful yellow paint that is known, called Chromic yellow, is now manufactured from an abundant native material, in ample quantities, by Clinton and Jarvis, New York.

We would advise the lord Sheffield's, “at home and abroad," to examine a late map of Pennsylvania, and then read the following.

WILKESBARRE, (Penn.) April 3. The Launch!-We are authorised to state that on Friday, the 10th day of April, at 2 o'clock, P. M. will be launched from the shipyard at this port, the vessel now on the stocks. A sight every where so interesting, and here so novel, we have no doubt will attract a large concourse of people.

The French army of the north, to control or at

tack, the emperor of Russia, is divided into four grand detachments of 50,000 men ech, commanded by Massena, Davoust, Oudinot, and Berthier.

and set the vessel on fire near the bulk head of the
liquor room which was not discovered until she was
on fire below, when a man was ordered down to ex-
amine the cause.
hold, the black man attacked and wounded him
The moment he got into the
severely; upon which he retreated on deck. The
black man was armed with a large knife, a cutlass,

and axe.
The first lieutenant then went down,
but soon returned severely wounded-as did three
near the liquor and magazine, they cut scuttles in
others after him. Finding the fire gain fast, and
the deck, and threw their powder and liquors over-
board. The black man was then discovered trying
to scuttle the schooner; when the captain jumped
down and fired at him, but without effect. The
black man retreated under the forecastle deck and
again began to cut a hole in her bottom. By this
time the crew had extinguished the flames, and fired
several shot at the black man, seven of which en
tered his body. At every wound he would say,
dead yet," and continued cutting. They were obli
ged at last to scuttle the forecastle deck when they
fired at and killed him, after he had wounded seven
men and done so much damage as to oblige the pri
vateer to return to Guernsey Roads, where she ar-
rived on the first of March, her crew underwent a
trial and she was again fitted out for a cruise. At
Guernsey they were fitting out as privateers, two.
brigs, two schooners, two luggers and several eut-
ters, for the bay of Biscay

LITERARY NOTICE.

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From La Plata we learn that the Buenos Ayrean general attacked and defeated a party of the Portuguese troops that had marched from Brazil for the relief of Montevideo, as they were crossing the country. In consequence of which a renewal of hostili- which has just been published in New-York, enti We have been politely favored with a pamphlet ties between Buenos Ayres and Montevideo was ex-tled "Trial of capt. Henry Whitby, for the murder pected. of John Pierce, with his dying declaration-also the In consequence of the present [anticipated] em-trial of capt. George Crimp, for piracy and mansiealbargo, 26,000 barrels of flour were shipped from ing. By an eminent reporter." Philadelphia in the four first days of this month$0,000 from Alexandris, and, as noticed in our last, be easily recognised as the production of a barrister Though this little pamphlet is anonymous, it will 32,800 from Baltimore-from the three ports nearly of eminent genius, whose pen has been more than -90,000 barrels. once employed for the amusement of the American

A letter from Paris to a gentleman in Philadelphia public. It abounds with wit; and in the guise of savs-"Paris is now supplied with water-from foun-facetious fiction represents some important transac tains, which are not locked up as yours at Philadel- tions in their true colors. phia; this blessing alone to the city of Paris repays treat our readers with a few extracts. If we have room, in our next number, we shall half the disasters of the revolution."

If congress intend to continue their session until. the embargo is removed, i. e. for 90 days-one good thing will result from the present proceedings, which is, that the people will not have many members to pay. If they go on giving leave of absence, as they have done lately, the house will often be without

quorum.

a

The official accounts of the seizure of Swedish Pomerania are received. According to the representation of the Swedish officer, and we put full faith In his statement, the act was a flagrant violation of every law that binds a nation to the observance of an honest faith-a counterpart of the affairs of Portugal and Copenhagen, except that no lives were lost from the non-resistance of the Swedes, on account of their Ability to effect any possible good.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. of the American brig Comet, captured by the French, Thursday, April 16.-The protest of the captain with some accompanying papers, were laid before the house, which were finally referred to the secretary of state. Nothing else done.

CORRECTION-Since the side of this sheet containing the 119th page was printed, I have some reason to believe that the fact stated in the third paragraph of the article headed "Impressed seamen" is no exactly true in all its parts, though many cases of the nature must occur; the reader with please lapnsider that paragraph as expunged

VOL. II.]

BALTIMORE, SATURDAY, APRIL 25, 1812.

[No. 34

Hæc olim meminisse juvabit.-VIRGIL,

Printed and published by H. NILES, Water-street, near the Merchants' Coffee-House, at $5. per annum

Secret Session.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

DEBATE ON THE EMBARGO QUESTION.

(Continued from page 107.)

give you any apology for this destructive protection. If they do they will richly deserve all the misery, which, under the name of protection, you can find means to visit upon them. Your tender mercies are crueltics. The merchants hate and spurn this rumous defence.

Mr. Quincy, then took notice of an intimation which had been thrown out, in relation to an express, sent o.f, on the day preceding the message of the president, giving information that a bargo Friday, April 3.-Mr. Quincy expressed, in strong terms, his would be proposed the ensuing day.He said that there was no abhorrence of the measure.-He said that if he beved it to be accessity of speaking of that hatter by distant allusion, as if there preparation for war ne should have a less indignant sense of the was any thing that sought eoncealment. That is not an affair, injury, than he felt now, as he decined it a pure, sophisticated said Mr. Q. that shuns the light. I had the honor and the happireinstated Finbargo.-The linatation of sixty, or ninety days, ness, in conjunction with another member of this house, from gave hutle consolation to him; because he knew how easily the ew-York (Mr. Emote) and a senator from Massachusetos (ir. game power which originated could continue this oppressive Lloyd) to transmit that intelligence to Philadelphia, New-York and Boston, by an express which started on Tursday afternoon.

measure.

In

He said that his objections were, that it was not what it pretended doing this we violated no obligation even of the most remote and to be; and was, what it pretended not to be.--That it was not em- delicate kind.-The fact that, the committee of foreign relations, bargo preparatory to war-but that it was einbargo as a substitute had decided that an embargo should be proposed on Wednesday, for the question of declaring war. It was true that it was advoca- was openly avowed here on Tuesday, by various members of that ted as a step incipient to a state of war, and by way of preparation committee, to various members of this house. Auong others f for it, by gentlenen whose sincerity he was bound to respect. He was informed of it. I shall always be grateful to the gentleman, could not, however, yield the conviction of his senses and reflec-who gave me that information. Indeed, the whole commercial trous, to their asseveration; nor declare in complaisance to any, let community are under great obligations to the meinbers of the then be as respectable as they might, that he saw in this measure, committee of foreign relations, for their feeling and patriotisin in more or less, than its features indicated. resolving on that disclosure. It enabled us, by anticipating the

Is this crabargo what it pretends to be, preparation for war? In mail, to give an opportunity for great masses of our property to the first place, no sudden attack is expected from Great Britain. escape from the ruin our cabinet was meditating for them. Yes, It is not suggested that we have a titti of evidence, relative to ir. To escape into the jaws of the British lion, and of the French any hostility of her temper, which is not possessed by the whole yger, which are places of refuge, of joy and delight, when com cutamunity. The president has not communicated to us one do-pared with the grasp and fang of this hyena embogo. What was cument, or reason for the measure. His message merely notifies to us, his will and pleasure.

the effect of this information!? When it reached Philadelphia, the

whole mercantile class was in motion, and all that had it in their

An embargo, as preparatory to war, presupposes some new and power, were firing in all directions from the coming mischief, 23 hidden danger, not known to the mercantile community. In such though it were a plague, and a pestilence. Look, at this moment, tase, when the government see a danger, of which the merchant is on the river, below Alexandria. The poor seamen towing down unapprised, it may be wise to stay the departure of property until their vessels, against wind and tide, anxious to escape from a coun the nature and extent of it can be explained. But not a moment try, which destroys under the mask of preserving. longer. For, Let the state of things be that of war, or of It is said that this embargo is "mere notice to the merchant." peace, the panciple is precisely the same-the interest which the community if this were the case, why all these pairs and penalties? why these fas, in the property of individuals, is best preserved by leaving its grievous bonds, imposed on our coasting trade? If you really rasuagement to the interest of the inmediate proprietor; after he intend war, if this ineasure is timely preparation and not a subis made acquainted with all the circumstances, at the time, which stitute for it, lay your embargo-But let it be mere general prohave a tendency to increase its exposure. hibition, without penalty. You will then have done your duty. It

The reason of an embargo, considered as an incipient step, to war, they go and are captured, they have no cause of complaint. But it is either to save our property from depredation abroad, or keep whole plot. It is an embargo for coercion and not for preparation. is said, "shall we feed our elemics?" That question unravels the property which we want at home. Now it happens that the nature In reply, I say yes feel your enemies.-If they are in no danger of the great mass of our exports is such that there is little danger of

depredation from the enemy, we pretend to fear abroad, and little of being reduced by famine, and if the article of food you do not want of the articles, most likely to be exposed, at home. The total want, and it will perish without a market.

exports of the last year amounted as appears by the report of the The gentlemen who advocate this bill seem to be much offended secretary of the treasury, to forty-five millions of dollars. It also that some of us do not believe that it is their intention to declare appears by that report, our exports to Great Britain and her depen-war at the end of the time limited. They treat the suggestion as a dencies, and also to those of Spain and Portugal, were thirty-digit reflection on their personal veracity. I question not either the millions five hundred thousand dollars-nearly seven eighths in value sincerity or veracity of these gentlemen who make these declara of our whole exports have been, and continue to be, to the domi- tions. But those gentlemen must eveuse me if I perter to resson apprehended. Now, it is well known, that these articks are of very the intentions of the gentlemen on this floor; but cone, ring the nions of that very power, from which so much is pretended to be concerning future events, rather from the nature of things than from the state of their minds. I make no suggestion concerning great necessity and importance to her, and whether, even in the case intentions of our cabinet, and concerning their nolity, in relation of actual war, between our countries, Great Britain would capture to actual war, I shall not hesitate both to make suggestions and to them, might be questionable. But that she would capture them, on the mere preparation, before one really hostile act was commit state reasonings. And I saall not deem myself pr cluded from the tel, on our part, is not only unreasonable, but absolutely absurd, use of my understanding concerning the result of any measures, to expect. This very comideree, which by the passing of this bill because my calculations Contradit any man's declared intentions. you indicate it is her intention to prohibit or destroy, it is her obvi- The public has little concern about what you may intend. It has eas and undeniable policy to invite and cherish: besides, the articles much in what you can execute. are, in a very great proportion, prishable, which by this embargo I say, then, distinctly, I do not believe that this embargo is preare to be prohibited from going to market. Which is best? To paration for war; but I do believe that it is a refuge from de keep them at home, to a certain loss and probable ruin, or adve-question of declaring war. My reason tells me, that war is not ture them abroad to a possible loss and a highly probable gain? Ask intended, because of your want of preparation, and of your neglect your merchant. Ask co.ninoti selise. of it. If war were intended, would the men at the helm have employ But it is said we must protect our merchants." Heaven helped the five mouths past in a way so utterly inefficient, and incon ear merchants from embargo protection !—It is also said that "thsistent with such an anticipated state? present condition of things has been brought upon the country by ring this long session, to put this country into that armour and What have you done dumerchants-that it was their clamor in 1805 and 1806, which first attitude" so ostentatiously recommended at the opening of it? pat congress upon this system of coercive restriction." It is true What have you done?--Why you have thirty-five thousand wen det in those years the merchants did petition-not for embargo- upon paper; and in five months you have added about one thousand not for commercial embarrassment and annihilation-bat tor pro-New recruits to the old establishment. That is to say, you have ser tection. They, at that time, really thought, that this national go-thousand men, now on your army rolls. You have officers in Ferment was formed for protection; and that it had at heart the abundance, but where are your soldiers? We were told last De prosperity of all the great interests of the country. If it was a cember that on the first day of April we should be the QuLBCC. grievous fanit, grievously have the merchants answered it. They And where were we on that day? Why-airing behind embargo asked you for relief, and you sent them embarrassment. They-What prospect is there that your enlistments will be so rapid as aked you for defence, and you imposed embargo. They asked will enable you to raise more men in the ninety days, which are to bread and you gave them a stone. They asked a fish, and you gave come, than in the one hundred and fifty which have past? I know then a serpent. Grant that the fault was great; suppose that they there is, on the carpet, a grand scheme, of augmenting the chance dad mistake the nature and character of the government; is the of enlistments, by reducing the tune of service, from five years to penalty they incurred by this error never to be remitted? Permit eighteen months. But how does this prognosticate as to the hear once to escape, and, and my word for it, they will never agaiul eiency of the free? Tuts proposition is perfectly characteristic. VOL. II. 1

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army, and not a fighting army. Ever since

But how

You want an embetor of a norturn seaport, major-general, Imore al good, more real practical independence, inore of what Mr. M. said he would aver, there was never a time when there was you appointed a have been satisfied that what you intended was, an army to fight the heart desires and can enjoy, in any civilized nation, than we now smugglers and not Canadians. enjoy. A population of seven millions-the arts and manufactures You prepare to go to war for commercial rights, in ninety days? flourishing in a high degree-are we then to be frightened to listen -Where-How-A navy is out of the question. And as to the to the notes of political screech owls? We are the happiest nation purpose of arming our merchantmen, although that resolution was on earth. He could, to be sure, with a melancholy countenance, go passed with as much, I believe more unaninity than any other of into any family, and give a lecture on the weakness of the flesh, those proposed by the committee of foreign relations, it has been on the calamities of human life, and a miserable exit. Jaid asleep in the committee; and not a man has ventured to sug- much better are we off than any other people? Our lot has fallen to gest, even that it was to be put into parliamentary form, much less us in a pleasant place, and we have a goodly heritage. that it was to be carried into effect. He said he recollected when he was a boy, that he and his come When I see such a palpable failure in all the means, natural and panions would get round the fireside, of a winter's evening, and necessary, for carrying on the war; when I see the exposure of talk of ghosts, till they were all afraid to go to bed-and the luguyour seaboard; when I see the actual military force, instead of being brious anticipations of the danger of a war with England, he thought increased in efficiency, in fact, reducing, neither promises, nor as-was a piece with the childish apprehensions alluded to severations, nor oaths shall make me believe that you will go to war With regard to the nation with whom we are to contend, and at the end of ninety days. Opposuit natura. Nature has decided whose prowess is so terrible in the opinion of some, he is proud to see against you. Instead of that "fast" of war, to which we were gentlemen around him, who dared in 1774 to enter into the conflict, invited, at the beginning of the session, we have served up to us the when we had a population of only three millions. He did not think old dish of restrictions. There is no need of the spirit of prophecy any one would be afraid to face a nation whose head is of such a to tell the result. At the end of niety days, you will find that character-one who was, sonie years since, expelled a jocky club, your preparation is not sufficient. The horrors of war will be and who was lately turned out of doors for his unworthy conduct preached up, very assiduously during our recess. Familiarity with to his neighbor's wife. [A clapping of hands.] embargo will diminish its dread. The restrictive systein becomes which we are to contend, is not so terrific and almighty as is ima The power with identified with some personal, local, paltry interest. The naviga-gined.

This embargo will not serve the American people. But I tell you who it may serve; it will serve the French emperor. His interest is apparent. It operates on his enemy by denying our produce to her armies. But where is the American interest! Coercion on Great Britain is not pretended. If war with this power be really its purpose, then much of this very property ought to be got out of the country. It is useless and must perish if it remain in it. And the resources of the country and its ability for war are augmented by the whole amount of the returns, which its sale would produce.

pro

ting states are sacrificed; and the spirit and character of the coun- Sir, we have intelligence by last mails from the capes of Virginia, try, are prostrated, in the dust, by far, or by avarice. that the vessels of that nation are capturing our's from the Chesa peake to France, within two leagues of our coast, laden with duce of our own soil, and not contraband of war. Mr. M. said he was of opinion this measure ought to be accompa nied with another-with letters of marque and reprisal. ought to let the cannon accompany the flag. We The voice of the cannon ought to speak the voice of the nation under the stripes of the nation. the country would be united-that all petty divisions about ins and We ought to have no party feeling. He wished outs may be put aside, and that an united front may be opposed. He said he gave his a sent to the measure less under the correctthe country. When it came recommended by the executive, he did not feel proud enough to differ-He therefore yielded to what he thought the rational, proper wish of others. would comply with the opinion of the majority. As a republican, he It is upon our divisions, and the imbecility of our councils, that our eneniy builds her hopes. He believes that gentlemen who have opposed our measures, have done it from honorable motives; but our measures are good enough if we are united. to form a phalanx. If united the work is done, and we could then All we want is take a rank among the nations. But how are we as a nation? We can't even get a national song, without depending on others. hoped we might not verify the observation of that illustrious commentator, the "Federalist," that our danger is not from tyranny in the head, but from anarchy in the end. He knew that an enbargo would be an unwelconie prescription; but is a disagreeable Let me not be understood as objecting to this embargo, as a pre-from high authority, that if thy member offend cut it off? He cou prescription for a violent disease to be rejected? Are we not told paration for war; although even, as such, its utility is dubious. I object to it, because it is no efficient preparation; because it is not a progress towards honorable war, but is a subterfuge from the question. If we must perish, let us perish by any band, except our own. Any fate is better than self-slaughter."

In every point of view, I look on this measure as a cruel aban-ness of his understanding, than from a respect to the authorities of donment of our national rights; as impolitics as deceptive; as calculated to impress on the American people an idea that it is your intention to maintain commercial rights, which,sts true effect, is, to abandon. Here is another effect which it is calculated to produce, and of all others ought at a crisis of this kind to be avoided.Its tendency must be to raise a jealousy between the southern and the eastern and midle states. The flour and produce of the southern states have had during the whole winter an open trade and free market. Those of the middle and eastern states have been restrained by climate and winter. Nature is just opening for our relief, and the palsying hand of government is now to be extended, to give a death-blow to our hopes, It is by a course of policy of this kind that you intend to conciliate affection, or excite Coufidence? Will it not he said, that your own products being sold you were indifferent what became of ours?

He

sidered this as an efficient measure. He said we were living in a land
flour at home, than to let it go abroad and be taken
flowing with milk and honey. It is better to keep our wheat and
assed, is he willing to withhold supplies from, and starve the people
He may be
of that country? He would deliberately answer, yes, when by re
seinding their decrees they can so easily do us justice.

Mr. Bleecker, in a speech of about twenty minutes, made an able, solemn and impressive address to the house, urging them to ponHe desired the house to look at the condition of the island of Barder-and desist from the dangerous course they were pursuing, badoes-the situation of the planters, who are obliged to substitute and forewarned them of the calamitous consequence that would ine-beets for cane. In the most plaintive terms, they represent their vitably result. situations as desperate. They have not a stave for a rum puncheon Mr. Mitchell, of New-York, said, in viewing political subjects -In consequence of the mortgages on their estates, and the danand dangers, some are inclined to look through political nijero-15er of insurrection of their blacks, they are reduced almost to des scopes which diminish them; others, misled by their imaginations, pair. look through political telescopes, and are as ept to magnify and When you talk of the omnipotence of that nation, look at their enhance them. He, for one, was for viewing our situation with otce. We are as different from them as angels are from inter his native optics, for looking at it as it really is. considered as less alive to the interests and happiness of the inha convenient, it is not to be viewed only as to its hardships. As conHe could not be al spirits. He knew that this measure is not desirable per se. Although inbitants of that city, respecting whom so much sensibility has been neeted with another part of policy, it is very important. He said, expressed, than any other guitlen.an. friends, connections, and what little property he possessed. No one more by it than himself. He resided with a patriotic set of men, who There were his intimate in proportion to his worldly substance, no one pro rata will suffer could feel more for their sufferings under commercial restrictions, will join in opposing a noble front and who are determined to or case of an assault upon it by the enemy. And if he was to consult only his personal sensibilities, they were all in favor of the avenge our wrongs.

people of that country, with whom we are to enter into a conflict. Mr. Randolph said he had listened with attention to the observa He has no prejudice against them. He there received his aduca- tions of the gentleman from New-York, Mr. Mitchel-The gentletion. He has lived in North and South Britain. From actual re-man's reasons, if there is any weight in them, are in favor of let sidence he knows them from the Grampian hills to Dover. Heters of marque and reprisal, but not in favor of the ruinous ineaknows that, however, to be a proud overbearing nation. From sure now under consideration. When the gentleman justifies himformer residence, and also from recent intelligence, (and that with self, in yielding himself under authority, in his approlation of the in a few days by late arrivels) he knows that they consider us a sort measure, he should have supposed he ought to have been in.Ancuc ot generation whom they have a right to despise. We are viewed fed by the authority of a respectable genticmau, (caning the vicein is unworthy, degraded situation, not on account of our want president) first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his et resources or popularion; but because they believe we cannot countrymen, within the state of New-York, who is now insensible stand together that we cannot lead armies into their countries.to the distresses of the country. The gemleman says, we ought to Their object has been since the year 1806, to divide and distract us, take our stand among the belligerents. We cannot take finis stand and to prevent our taking efficient measures. Sir, what has been-We are just emerging from a revolution-a revolution, which was the cause of our present condition? It is well known, that in 1806, soon succeeded by an European war, which has been to us, like the he was made the organ of his constituents, as other gentlemen were draining of a farm yard, which has enriched us beyond measure, from Setem and other commercial places, to present to congress which has raised our balets and villages to first rate cities. To this their plaints and wailings, on account of the grievances they suwe owe our present greatness. To this we owe the language the fered upon the stoject of carsise colonial produce, nd the contigentleman has this evening used. Sir, what has been the fate of nuity of the vovare. The archives of this house wil prove this. those nations who have undertaken to take their stand among the They declared they should be ruined the British doctrine should belligerents. They have become like humble gun boats, in the be countenanced. The government were goaded by these apple wake of European belligerents. What has become of Prussia ? she is tions for relict. The government began, and continued pacific extinct. What of Austria? she is crippled. What of Russia? slm. measures, until we have got into our present situation. with a territory and population far beyond ours, has been saxigus

to take the stand which the gentleman wishes, but she dare not.Sir, we may become to the war, under the name of allies; but we shall be the first servants of those whose cause we espouse. We may escape this conflict with honor. What is honor in a nation? is it honor to cope with those who are so greatly our superiors? It is our duty and interest to wait. He very well knew, that in times of feverish anxiety and impotent restlessness, nothing is more irksome than to preach up patience, and that we ought to wait for

events.

Mr. R. said, he did not pay much regard to the argument that the belligerents calculated upon our divisions. It is an old, and if he' might be permitted to say, a stale apology, calculated by the minis ters to unite a people. The charge of the majority, which is so of ten made against the minority, is futile. It is ridiculous for them to urge it. The president of the United States can indisputably carry his measures in congress as much as any minister ever did-No minority is, or ever had been, of any effect. All experience proves it. He would exhort both houses of congress to allow the dictates of their own minds, and not adopt the sentiment of the gentleman from New-York. There is no danger from an opposi tion-The president of the United States for fourteen years has been omnipotent. The evil has not been from the minority, but from gentlemen not pursuing the dietates of their own understandings. Mr. R.then brought to the view of the house the diminutive trade of the country to France, and which has been diminished by her own regulations, in comparison with our trade to all the rest of the work. He said, if we are called upon to resist, he would wish to shew our resistance where it is important and necessary. As to the observation of his friend from North Carolina (Mr. Macon,) that our only alternative now is war-that no proposition had been or could be made as a substitute; he said propositions had been made, and he would pledge his head one might now be made, if both belligerents were viewed with the same eye by our govern ment. Where, asked Mr. R. is the reciprocity, while the armed vessels of one ouly are admitted? As to the existence of the French decrees, the burning of our property on the high seas is damning proof that they have not been revoked.

The gentleman from New-Jersey (Mr. Boyd) the other day proposed 120 days for the period of the embargo, which was negatived. If we agree now to the amendment of 90 days, it is a confession that our argument the other day was right, and those who opposed us were wrong; and it confirms the opinion of the chairman of the committee of foreign relations (Mr. Porter) that it was inexpedient to lay an embargo for sixty days, until we were within sixty days of preparation for war, and who said he was in favor of an embargo as a preparatory measure.

He said there could be nothing more cruel to the merchant, who ⚫has given ten dollars per barrel for flour, and who has incurred the expence of shipping, to carry it to market. It will also be the ruin of the planter. He entreated the house to defer it, until the merchant who had bought on credit of the planter can turn himself. There is no alternative-the merchant must be ruined, and the planter greatly injured.

He wished that we might think of the mills of Brand, wine and Petersburgh. There is no calculating the benefit which would arise from deferring it a weak, and no possible good can arise from barrying it. If it is to ruin the allies upon the peninsula, upon the argument of gentlemen it cannot answer, as no one can suppose they have not minety days supply on hand.

Treasury report.

Letter from the secretary of the treasury, transmitting a report prepared in conformity with the resolution of the senate, of the joth of April, 1812.

Treasury Department, April 14th, 1812. SIR-I have the honor, in conformity with the resolution of the senate of the 10th instant, to transmit the following statements, viz. 1. A statement of appropriations made by the several acts, passed during the present session of congress, to the 10th April, 1812, inclusive, and amounting together to 17,114,691 dollars and 34

cents.

2. A statement of sums payable during the year 1812, by virtue of sundry permanent appropriations, and amounting together to 279,975 dollars.

3. A statement of the probable application during the year 1812, of the annual appropriation of 8,000,000 dollars for the public debt, distinguishing the sums payable for the interest on the Louisiana debt, and for the interest and reimbursement of the domestie debt.

4. A statement of the balance in the treasury, on the 31st Decomber, 1811, and of the balances unexpended on the same day in the hands of the treasurer on account of the war and navy departments.

I have the honor to be, with great respect, sir, your obedient ALBERT GALLATIN.

servant,

Honorable President of the senate, Statement of appropriations made by the acts of congress, passed from the commencement of the present session of the twelfth congresa (5th November, 1811) to the 10th of April, 1812. By the act" making a further appropriation for the support of a library," passed Deccinber 6th, 1311, 1,000dollars a year for five years: for the years 1811 and 1812,

By the act" to authorise the surveying and making
of certain roads in the state of Ohio, as contempla
ted by the treaty of Brownstown, in the territory
of Michigan," passed December 12th, 1811,
By the act" to authorise the laying out and opening
a public road from the line established by the treaty
of Greenville to the North Bend, in the state of
Okio," passed January 8th, 1812,

Bythe act “for the relief of John Burnham,” pas eď January 10th 1812,

By the act "authorising the purchase of ordnance and ordnance stores, camp equipage and other quartermaster's stores and small arms." passed January 14th, 1812. [The sum of 1,900,000 dollars, appropriated by this act, being included in the sums appropriated for the support of the military and naval establishments, is not here carried out.] By the act to empower the secretary of the treasury to decide on the case of the ship Eliza-Ann, belonging to Ezekil Hubbell, and in the case of the ship Mary and Frances, beloncing to Nathaniel Goddard," passed January 31st, 1512,

By the act authorising the president of the United States to accept and organize certain volunteer military corps," passed February 6th, 1812, By the act "making appropriation for the expences incident to the six companies of mounted rangers during the year 1312," past d February 20th, 1812, By the set “making appropriations for the support of the military establishment of the United States, for the year 1812, passed February 21st, 1312, By the act making appropriations for the support of an additional military force," passed February 21st, 1812,

By the actuaking appropriations for the support of the navy of the United States, for the year 1812," passed February 24th 1812,

By the act "making appropriations for the support of government for the year 1812," passed February 26th, 1812,

By the act to authorise the secretary of the treasury, under the direction of the president of the United States, to purchase of Winslow Lewis, his patent right to the new and improved method of lighting light houses, and for other purposes," passed March 2d, 1812,

By the act supplementary to An et providing for the accommodation of the general post office and patent office, and for other purposes," passed March 7th, 1812,

By the act "making appropriation for the defence of our maritime frontier," passed March 10th, 1812, By the act concerning the naval establishment," passed March 30th, 1812,

245 40

1:400

1,000,000

108,772

4,643,277 80

5,112,560 09

2,904,669 60

1,264,412.54

60,000

10,453 91

500,000

500,000

This act also contains an appropriation of 200,000 dollars for each of the years 1813 and 1814] By the act "authorising a detachment of the militia of the United States," passed April 10th, 1012, 1,000,000 Dollars, 17,114,691 34

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2,000

Cash in the treasury, subject to warrant, December

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Mint of the United States.

Summary statement, exhibiting the value of coins made at the mint; the amount of disbursement on account of the establishment; the amount allowed for wastage; the amount retained of deposits, and the amount gained on the coinage of copper, from the commencement of the institution to the 31st December, 1811.-Accompanying a letter from the comptroller of the treasury of the United States, laid before the house of representatives. April 13, 1812.

Value of gold, silver and copper coinage made at the mint, to the 31st December, 1810,
of gold coins made from the 1st January to the 31st December, 1811, per account A,
of silver coins made from the 1st January to the 31st December, 1811, per said account,
of copper coins made from the 1st January to the 31st December, 1811, per account B,

Dollars.

9,477,614 71 0

497,905 00
608,340 00
5,293 78 1,111,538 78 0
10,589,153 49 0

Net charge on the coinage of gold, silver and copper to the 31st December, 1810, per account ren-
Total value of gold, silver and copper coins,
dered,
Add amount gained on the coinage of copper to the same period,

Dolls. 380,582 58 5

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From the above deduct amount of wastage on gold and silver to same period
Also the amount retained from deposits to the same period,

37,331 52 5 417,914 11 0

35,431 11 5
4,063 17 5

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4,063 17 5
358 27 5

35,448 36 5

4,421 45 of

Add amount disbursed on account of the establishment from 1st January to the 31st December, 1811,
Add also the amount of wastage on gold and silver to the 31st December, 1810,
Do.
do.
on gold and silver from 1st January to 31st December, 1811.

From the above deduct the amount retained from deposits to 31st December, 1810,
Also the amount retained from deposits from 1st January to 31st December, 1811,

Deduct amount gained on the coinage of copper from the commencement of the institution to the 31st December, 1811,
as per statement herewith marked B,
Net amount chargeable to the coinage of gold, silver and copper, from the commencement of the institution to the
31st December, 1811, including the cost of lots. buildings, machinery, &c. &e.
COMPTROLLER'S OFFICE, March 26th, 1812.

446,500 81 5 37,161 97 5 Dollars. 409,338 84 0

AND. ROSS, Clerk.

U. S. Public Lands.

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Account of sales of the Public Lands of the United States.

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of the preceding table is much

enhanced by its effect annually to counteract the

speculative attempts to reduce the price of the public lands by misrepresentations to congress, as in the instance now before the senate.

N. B. The total of the U. States lands for sale, including Louisiana, exceed 600,000,000 acres.

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[graphic]

the ge

last

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R. I. Union,

Newport,

Smithfield,

Warren,

Washington,

Bristol,

Commercial,

Naragansett,

22.838

25.919

21,713 70
10,612 35

5,823

25.076 7t

149,324 21 476,465 2

7,685 78

8,060 71

55,605 60

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81,770 89 96,279 25

20,143

17,441 94

6,790 69 42,265

Roger Williams,

41,678

64,041 56

17,688

148,560 1

500 1,384 41

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79,315

39.088 52

6,227 7 18,100 88

5,593 8(

259,925 42

R. I. Central,

18,382

7,078 80

2,410 29 10,570 15

80,642 85

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10,464
2,467

26,353 1,141 20

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460,254 50 343,571 55 111,738 21 465,149 88

19,927 372,330,088 02

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