evils are not likely to receive any remedy here, the continual disputes between the proprietaries and people, and their mutual jealousies and dislikes preventing.

"We do therefore, most humbly pray, that your majesty would be graciously pleased to resume the government of this province, making such compensation to the proprietaries for the same as to your majesty's wisdom and goodness shall appear just and equitable, and permitting your dutiful subjects therein to enjoy, under your majesty's more immediate care and protection, the privileges that have been granted to them by and under your royal predecessors.

"By order of the house."

Great opposition was made to this measure, not only in the house, but in the public prints. A speech of Mr. Dickinson on the subject was published with a preface by Dr. Smith, in which great pains were taken to show the impropriety and impolicy of this proceeding. A speech of Joseph Galloway, esquire, in reply to Mr. Dickinson, was also published, accompanied by a preface by Dr. Franklin, in which he ably opposed the principles laid down in the preface to Mr. Dickinson's speech. Among other pointed remarks, Dr. Franklin

says:

"In the constitution of our government, and in that of one more, there still remains a particular thing that none of the other American governments have; to wit, the appointment of a governor by the proprietors, instead of an appointment by the crown. This particular in government has been found inconvenient; attended with contentions and confusions wherever it existed; and has therefore been gradually taken away from colony after colony, and every where greatly to the satisfaction and happiness of the people. Our wise first proprietor and founderm was fully sensible of this; and being desirous of leaving his people happy, and preventing the mischiefs that he foresaw must arise from that circumstance, if

it was continued, he determined to take it away, if possible, during his own life-time. They accordingly entered into a contract for the sale of the proprietary right of government to the crown; and actually received a sum in part of the consideration. As he found himself likely to die before that contract (and with it his plan for the happiness of his people) could be completed, he carefully made it a part of his last will and testament; devising the right of the government to two noble lords, in trust, that they should release it to the crown. Unfortunately for us, this has never yet been done. And this is merely what the assembly now desire to have done. Surely he that formed our constitution, must have understood it. If he had imagined that all our privileges depended on the proprietary government, will any one suppose that he would himself have meditated the change; that he would have taken such effectual measures as he thought them, to bring it about speedily, whether he should live or die? Will any of those who now extol him so highly, charge him at the same time with the baseness of endeavoring thus to defraud his people of all the liberties and privileges he had promised them, and by the most solemn charters and grants assured to them, when he engaged them to assist him in the settlement of his province? Surely none can be so inconsistent!-And yet this proprietary right of governing or appointing a governor, has all of a sudden changed its nature; and the preservation of it become of so much importance to the welfare of the province, that the assembly's only petitioning to have their venerable founder's will executed, and the contract he entered into for the good of his people completed, is styled an attempt to violate the • constitution for which our fathers planted a wilderness; to barter away our glorious plan of public liberty and charter 'privileges; a risking of the whole constitution; an offering up our whole charter rights; a wanton sporting with things "sacred,' &c."

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In addition to the preface just mentioned, Dr. Franklin wrote a pamphlet, entitled " Cool Thoughts," tending to pro

mote the same views. The assembly's application to the throne however, produced no effect, and the proprietary government remained unchanged.

At the election for a new assembly, in the autumn of 1764, the friends of the proprietaries made great exertions to exclude those of the adverse party; and they obtained a small majority in the city of Philadelphia. Dr. Franklin on this occasion lost his seat in te house, which he had held for fourteen years. On the meeting of the assembly, however, it appeared that there was still a decided majority of his friends, and he was again appointed to resume his agency at the court of Great Britain, to the great chagrin of his enemies, who made a solemn protest against his appointment; but which was refused admission upon the minutes, as being unprecedented. It was, however, published in the papers, and produced a spirited reply, from him, entitled "Remarks on a late Protest," &c.

The opposition made to his re-appointment seems greatly to have affected his feelings; as it came from men with whom he had long been connected, both in public and private life, "the very ashes of whose former friendship," he declared, "he revered," His pathetic farewel to Pennsyvania, in the publication abovementioned, the day before his departure, is a strong proof of the agitation of his mind on this occasion. "I am now," says he, "to take leave (perhaps a last leave) of the country I love, and in which I have spent the greatest part of my life. Esto perpetua!-I wish every kind. of prosperity to my friends, and I forgive my enemies."

An eloquent divine" has observed on this occasion, "That under whatsoever circumstances this second embassy was undertaken, it appears to have been a measure pre-ordained in the councils of Heaven; and it will be for ever remembered to the honor of Pennsylvania, that the agent selected to assert and defend the rights of a single province at the court of Great Britain, became the bold asserter of the rights of

Dr. William Smith, Provost of Philadelphia College.

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America in general; and beholding the fetters that were forging for her, conceived the magnanimous thought of rending them asunder before they could be rivetted."

The disturbances produced in America by Mr. Grenville's Stamp Act, and the opposition made to it are well known. But the origin thereof has generally been misunderstood. The following letter from Dr. Franklin on that subject, will correct some of the misrepresentations relative thereto.

DEAR SIR,

To William Alexander, Esq.

Passy, March 12, 1778.

IN the pamphlet you were so kind as to lend me, there is one important fact mis-stated, apparently from the writer's not having been furnished with good information; it is the transaction between Mr. Grenville and the colonics, wherein he understands that Mr. Grenville demanded of them a specific sum, that they refused to grant any thing, and that it was on their refusal only that be made a motion for the Stamp Act. No one of these particulars is true. The fact was this.

Some time in the winter of 1763-4, Mr. Grenville called together the agents of the several colonies, and told them that he purposed to draw a revenue from America, and to that end his intention was to levy a stamp duty on the colonies by act of parliament in the ensuing session, of which he thought it fit that they should be immediately acquainted, that they might have time to consider, and if any other duty equally productive would be more agreeable to them, they might let him know it. The agents were therefore directed to write this to their respective assemblies, and communicate to him the answers they should receive: the agents wrote accordingly.

I was a member in the assembly of Pennsylvania, when this notification came to hand. The observations there made upon it were, that the antient, established, and regular method of drawing aids from the colonics was this. The occa

sion was always first considered by their sovereign in his privy council, by whose sage advice, he directed bis secretary of state to write circular letters to the several governors, who were directed to lay them before their assemblies. In those letters the occasion was explained for their satisfaction, with gracious expressions of his majesty's confidence in their known duty and affection, on which he relied, that they would grant such sums as should be suitable to their abilities, loyalty, and zeal for his service. That the colonies had always granted liberally on such requisitions, and so liberally during the late war, that the king, sensible they had granted much more than their proportion, had recommended it to parliament five years successively, to make them some compensation, and the parliament accordingly returned them two hundred thousand pounds a-year to be divided among them. That the proposition of taxing them in parliament, was therefore both cruel and unjust. That by the constitution of the colonies their business was with the king in matters of aid, they had nothing to do with any financier, nor he with them; nor were the agents the proper channels through which requisitions should be made; it was therefore improper for them to enter into any stipulation, or make any proposition to Mr. Grenville about laying taxes on their constituents by parliament, which had really no right at all to tax them, especially as the notice he had sent them did not appear to be by the king's order, and perhaps was without his knowlege; as the king, when he would obtain any thing from them, always accompanied his requisition with good words, but this gentleman, instead of a decent demand sent them a menace, that they should certainly be taxed, and only left them the choice of the manner. But all this notwithstanding, they were so far from refusing to grant money, that they resolved to the

"There is neither king, nor sovereign lord on earth, who has beyond his own domain, power to lay one farthing on the subjects, without the grant and consent of those who pay it; unless he does it by tyranny and violence." (Philippe de Commines, chup. 108.)