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concluded, I shall beg leave to remind the congress of their promise then to dismiss me. I shall be happy to sing with old Simeon, "Now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation.”

With great esteem, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

To Dr. Cooper.

Passy, Dec. 26, 1782.

*

We have taken some good steps here towards a peace. Our independence is acknowleged; our boundaries as good and extensive as we demanded; and our fishery more so than the congress expected. I hope the whole preliminaries will be approved, and with the definitive treaty, when made, give entire satisfaction to our country. But there are so many interests to be considered between five nations, and so many claims to adjust, that I can hardly flatter myself to see the peace soon concluded, though I wish and pray for it, and use my best endeavors to promote it.

I am extremely sorry to hear language from Americans on this side the water, and to hear of such language from your side, as tends to hurt the good understanding that has hitherto so happily subsisted between this court and ours. There seems to be a party with you that wish to destroy it. If they could succced, they would do us irreparable injury. It is our firm connection with France that gives us weight with England, and respect throughout Europe. If we were to break our faith with this nation, on whatever pretence, England would again trample on us, and every other nation despise us. We cannot, therefore, be too much on our guard, how we permit the private resentments of particular persons to enter into our public counsels. You will hear much of an intercepted letter communicated to us by the British ministry. The channel ought to be suspected. It may have received additions and alterations; but, supposing it all genuine, the forward, mistaken zeal of a secretary of legation should VOL. I. SI

not be imputed to the king, who has in so many ways proved bimself our faithful and firm friend and ally.

▾ Copy of a letter from Barbe de Marbois to M. le Comte de Vergennes, decyphered and translated.

SIR,

Philadelphia, March 13, 1782. SOUTH CAROLINA again enjoys the benefit of a legislative body, after having been deprived of it for two years; it was summoned together towards the latter end of last January, at Jacksonburg, only ten leagues distant from Charleston; where deliberations are carried on with as much tranquillity as if the state was in profound peace. Mr. Rutledge, who was the governor, opened the meeting with a speech greatly applauded, wherein he represents in their full extent, the important services, rendered by the king to the United States, expressing their just acknowlegements for the same. This sentiment prevails much, sir; the different states are eager to declare it, in their public acts, and the principal members of government and the writers employed by them, would forfeit their popu larity were they to admit any equivocal remarks respecting the alliance. General Greene affirms that in no one state is attachment to independence carried to a higher pitch; but that this affection is yet exceeded by the hatred borne to England. The assembly of Carolina is going to make levies of men, and has imposed pretty large sums; as there is but little money in the country, the taxes will be gathered in indigo; and what deficiency may there be found, will be supplied by the sale of lands of such Carolinians as joined the enemy while they were in possession of the country. South Carolina was the only state that had not confiscated the property of the disaffected. The step just taken puts her on a footing with the other states of the union. The assembly of this state has passed a resolution in consequence of which a purchase of land is to be made of the value of two hundred and forty thousand livres tournois, which Carolina makes a present to general Greene as the savior of that province.

Mr. Matthews, a delegate from congress, lately arrived in Carolina, has, it is said, been chosen governor in the room of Mr. Rutledge: he has communicated to persons of the most influence in his state, the ultima tum of the month of . . . . . . last, who approved of the clauses in general, and particularly that one which leaves the king master of the terms of the treaty of peace or truce, excepting independence, and treaties of alliance. A delegate from South Carolina told me, that this ultimatum was equally well known by persons of note in this state, and this had given entire satisfaction there; it is the same with regard to several other states; and I believe I may assure you, upon the testimony of several dele. gates, that this measure is approved by a great majority; but Mr. Samuel Adams is using all his endeavors to raise in the state of Massachusetts a strong opposition to peace, if the eastern states are not thereby admit

In my opinion, the true political interest of America consists in observing and fulfilling with the greatest exactitude,

ted to the fisheries, and particularly to that of Newfoundland. Samuel Adams delights in trouble and difficulty, and prides himself on forming an opposition against the government whereof he is himself the president. His aim and intentions are to render the minority of consequence, and at this very moment he is attacking the constitution of Massachusetts, although it is in a great measure his own work; but he had disliked it since the people had shewn their uniform attachment to it,

It may be expected that with this disposition, no measure can meet the approval of Mr. Samuel Adams, and if the United States should agree relative to the fisheries, and be certain of partaking therein, all his manœuvres and intrigues would be directed towards the conquest of Canada and Nova Scotia; but he could not have used a fitter engine than the fisheries for stirring up the passions of the Eastern people. By renewing this question which had lain dormant during his two years absence from Boston, he has raised the expectation of the people of Massachusetts to an extraordinary pitch. The public prints hold forth the importance of the fisheries; the reigning toast in the East is, May the United States ever maintain their rights to the fisheries. It has been often repeated in the deliberation of the general court; No peace without fisheries. However clear this principle may be in this matter, it would be needless and even dangerous to attempt informing the people through the public papers, but it appears to me possible to use means for preventing the consequences of success to Mr. S. Adams and his party; and I take the liberty of submitting these to your discernment and indulgence; one of those means would be for the king to cause it to be intimated to congress or to the ministers, "his surprise that the Newfoundland fisheries have been intended in the additional instructions; that the United States set forth therein pretensions without paying regard to the king's rights, and without considering the impossibility they are under of making conquests, and keeping what belongs to Great Britain."

His majesty might at the same time cause a promise to be given to congress "of his assistance for procuring admission to the other fisheries, declaring however that he would not be answerable for the success, and that he is bound to nothing as the treaty makes no mention of that article." This declaration being made before the peace, the hopes of the people could not be supported, nor could it one day be said that we left them in the dark on this point. It were even to be wished that this declaration should be made whilst New York, Charleston, and Penobscot are in the enemy's hands; our allies will be less tractable than ever upon these points whenever they recover these important ports. There are some judicious persons to whom one may speak of giving up the

the engagements of our alliance with France; and behaving at the same time towards England, so as not entirely to extinguish her hopes of a reconciliation.

fisheries and the*. . . . . of the West for the sake of peace. But these are enthusiasts who fly out at this idea, and their numbers cannot fail increasing when, after the English are expelled this continent, the burthen of the war will scarce be felt. It is already observable that the advocates for peace are those who lived in the country. The inhabitants of towns whom commerce enriches, mechanics who receive there a higher pay than before war, and 5 or 6 times more than in Europe, do not wish for it; but it is a happy circumstance that this division be nearly equal in the congress and among the states, since our influence can incline the beam either for peace or war which ever way we choose. Another means of preserving to France so important a branch of her commerce and negotiation is that proposed to you, sir, by M. . . . viz. the conquest of Cape Breton; it seems to me, as it does to that minister, the only sure means of containing within bounds, when peace is made, those swarms of smugglers who, without regard to treaties, will turn all their activity, daring spirit, and means towards the fisheries, whose undertakings congress will not perhaps have the power or the will to repress. If it be apprehended, that the peace which is to put an end to the present war will prove disagreeable to any of the United States, there appears to me a certain method of guarding against the effects of this discontent, of preventing the declarations of some states and other resources which turbulent minds might employ for availing themselves of the present juncture. This would be for his majesty to cause a memorial to be delivered to congress, wherein should be stated the use made by his ministers of the powers entrusted to them by that assembly; and the impediments which may have stood in the way of a fuller satisfaction on every point. This step would certainly be pleasing to congress; and should it become necessary to inform the people of this memorial, it could easily be done; they would be flattered by it, and it might probably beget the voice and concurrence of the public. I submit these thoughts to you early, and although peace appears yet to be distant, sir, by reason of delays and difficulties attending the communications, that period will be a crisis when the partizans of France and England will openly appear, and when that power will employ every means to diminish our influence; and re-establish her own; it is true, the independent party will always stand in great want of our support, that the fears and jealousies which a remembrance of the former government will always produce, must operate as the safeguard to our alliance, and as a security for the attachment of the Ame

Supposed Settlements, or Lands.

I long to see you and my country once more before I die, being ever, my dear friend, yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN.

In another part of the preceding letter to the honorable Robert R. Livingston, Dr. Franklin thus notices the commencement of the negotiation ordered by congress to be opened with the court of Sweden.

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"As soon as I received the commission and instructions for treating with Sweden, I waited on its ambassador here; who told me, he daily expected a courier on that subject. Yesterday he wrote a note to acquaint me, that he would call on me to-day, having something to communicate. Being obliged to go to Paris, I waited on him, when he showed me the full powers he had just received, and I showed him mine. We agreed to meet on Wednesday next, exchange copies, and proceed to business. His commission has some polite expressions in it; viz. That his majesty thought it for the good of his subjects to enter into a treaty of amity and commerce with the United States of America, who had established their independence, so justly merited by their courage and constancy, or to that effect. I imagine this treaty will soon be completed."

ricans to us. But it is best to be prepared for any discontent, although it should be but temporary. It is remarked by some, that as England has other fisheries besides Newfoundland, she may perhaps endeavor that the Americans should partake in that of the Great Bank, in order to conciliate their affection, or procure them some compensation, or create a subject of jealousy between them and us; but it does not seem likely that she will act so contrary to their true interest, and were she to do so, it will be for the better to have declared at an early period to the Americans, that their pretension is not founded and that his majesty does not mean to support it.

I here inclose, sir, translations of the speech made by the governor of South Carolina to the assembly and of their answer. These interesting productions convey in a forcible manner the sentiments of the inhabitants of that state, and appeared to me worth communicating to you.

(Signed)

I am, &c.

BARBE DE MARBOIS.

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