ment, and a right which I cannot, and will not consent to give up. [SENATE. his opinions, except for strong and sufficient reasons; and these reasons ought to be stronger when the change has been recent. Mr. GRUNDY replied that he yielded to the gentleman from Maryland entirely, as a soldier of age and experi- As to Governor Wolf, he stated in a message of Decemence, for he would not enter the ranks with him. But ber, 1832, his regret that the bank had not been re-charthe gentleman said that he (Mr. G.) had entered into the tered; that it had rendered services to the country; and ranks of the Jackson party, and must soon leave the name; that it was his opinion that if another bill was presented for Jackson must die, and with that event the name. to the President, it would experience a different fate. But (Mr. G. remarked) the Jefferson party did not ex- The Governor has now changed his opinion. As to the pire with his administration or his life. It has grown up change of my own opinion, what was it? Before the since into three or four parties. Were there not three commencement of the late war, I had adopted the opinor four Jefferson dinners given lately? He (Mr. G.) was ion of the whig party, that it was unconstitutional to have invited to one of them in Philadelphia, although he did a bank. Then came on the war, bringing in its train flucnot go, and what was perhaps worse, neglected to send tuation, difficulty, and distress, demonstrating to the an apology. But the gentleman from South Carolina country the necessity of such an establishment. I must [Mr. PRESTON] was there; and the gentleman near me beg to call the attention of my friend from Tennessee to [Mr. FORSYTH] was at another of them-the one to which the state of the votes on the war question. The vote he (Mr. G.) had been invited-so that he did not know stood for the war 79-against it 49. On comparison of this how it might be at the death of General Jackson. Now, vote with the vote on the subject of a bank, in the next he would say no more on this occasion-the gentleman Congress, it will be seen that of the 79, forty were refrom Maryland did not understand him, and he could not turned; and that of the 40, 28 were for, and 12 against a make him understand him. These memorialists were bank. If we extend our research down to 1816, we shall whigs, and Mr. G. would not deny it. But good things find, I believe, nearly the same proportion in favor of the were not made exclusively for any set of men; they were bank, as there was for the declaration of war. The exmade for all mankind. And when a man was making a perience of the war changed every body. Some who monopoly of a good thing, he did not think he was doing held that a bank was unconstitutional, went out of the right. So, if one man, or party of men, shall by force way, in order to allow the bill to pass, so entirely were appropriate the whole territory of a nation to himself or they convinced that the bank was necessary for the purthemselves, and refuse the rights of appropriation to poses of the Government. Then was established this others, it would be wrong. Now, whig belongs to all whig bank, approved by Mr. Madison, which gentlemen friends of their country in common. The term Christian are so assiduously endeavoring to destroy. If any gentleincludes a variety of religious sects; yet, if one sect should man would read the accounts of the state of the currency set themselves up and say that we alone are Christians, at that period, of its depreciated value, notes being nowould it not look like crowding the others out? In the where at par, except in New England, where they were same sense Mr. G. understood the term whig; and let us redeemable in specie, and the taxes being paid in a deall stand together as whigs, and let our particular or pe-preciated and unequal currency: if any gentleman would culiar political tenets be judged of by our country. look at all these circumstances, and the reasons given for Mr. CLAY then rose, and said that he felt it necessary the establishment of the bank, and say that there was no to say a word or two, although he should be sorry to dis-sufficient cause for a change of opinion, then he would turb the gentleman from Tennessee. I, said Mr. C., consent to be put alongside of Governor Wolf, or his have enjoyed his jokes this morning, but if he and the friend from Tennessee himself. gentleman from Maryland have done, I wish to settle a little balance between him and me. The gentleman has complained that my friend from Maryland should have thought of replying to him. I am glad that my friend did supply some of the many deficiences in my reply. But after complaining of this as an act of injustice, the gentleman has himself been guilty of a similar injustice, in referring to a vote which I gave three-and-twenty years ago, and to another which I gave eighteen years ago, the first against, and the other in favor of the bank. The gentleman says he is glad to see that I could change my opinions; and expresses his conviction that public men may change their views every six days, every six hours, and that no exception should be taken to the change. My notion is somewhat different on this subject. I think that a public man ought not to change his opinions on grave subjects connected with the general interests, without such reasons as will satisfy the public at large of the propriety of his course. It he does, it affords a reason for ascribing to him improper motives for the act. As to the vote which I gave in favor of the bank, (said Mr. C.,) I am ready to abide by the reasons which influenced my course-as published in the volume of documents in relation to the bank, under the authority of Congress. Mr. GRUNDY replied that he had no doubt of the sincere honesty which produced the change in the gentleman from Kentucky in reference to the bank, and he need not look to posterity to do him justice. Some of his political adversaries already did him justice-more than others would do General Jackson, if he were brought before us for an infraction of the constitution and laws. Governor Wolf was convinced of the propriety of his course. He had no acquaintance with Governor Wolf. He had heard the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. MCKEAN] say he had acted with him in Congress for six years: he was the Secretary of the commonwealth, while Governor Wolf was the Chief Magistrate of Pennsylvania; and that he was a man of great firmness and decision. It did not always depend on time whether a man should But the gentleman from Tennesssee is very adroit; and change his opinions or not, but upon surrounding circumwhen he takes upon himself to say any thing about the stances. A state of things might exist which would teach But it was said! coverlet, he seems always to recollect that he may yet his judgment the necessity of changing. wish to come under it himself. The gentleman was once that he (Mr. G.) had delivered a speech in favor of nula nullifier; and made his first nullifying speech when Mr.lification. He did not know how that was, but if he did, Foot's resolutions were under consideration, and now he he had been severely punished for it; and if he had now turns upon his former friends. The gentleman also, if I abandoned it, he stuck closely to State rights. He had am not greatly mistaken, voted once in favor of a bank been pressed so hard upon nullification, that he found it [Mr. GRUNDY: No.]-at least, he held opinions favora- dangerous ground to stand on, and he had just moved a ble to it, and was understood to be friendly to it. In ref- little off to the State rights ground. But he repented sinerence to my conduct, I do not choose the benefit of the cerely; and the citizens of Tennessee generously and maggentleman's notes. No public man is entitled to change nanimously forgave him for the temporary dereliction, SENATE.] Baltimore Proceedings. [MAY 1, 1834. if indeed he was guilty of any. And now, he was not "Mr. GRUNDY then said, that he certainly should nevwilling to call the nullifiers traitors, because they loved er have brought forward this proposition, without havtheir country. But with respect to this whig bank of ing reflected much on it. He knew that it had been agi1816-it was the first time in all his life that he had heard tated in this House, and in the nation, heretofore, and a bank called a "whig." Now, what were the principles had been much opposed by many of those politicians with of the whigs of the time of Charles II, when it was whom he usually acted in this House; but he did not besaid the party originated? Why, they were against royal lieve that each Congress was so bound by the decisions prerogative, and against corporate rights of every kind. of that which preceded it, that it was a good argument And if we were in favor of prerogative, we were not in against a measure for members of a former Congress to favor of great moneyed monopolies. If we have preroga- come in and say, "we have decided it heretofore." As a tive on one side, they have monopolies on the other. representative, Mr. G. said, he claimed the right to give Mr. CLAY. One correction. I thought I was not mis- at least one vote on this subject, as well as the gentletaken as to the gentleman having given some indication man from Virginia. The spirit of our constitution had of his opinion. In April, 1814, as I see by the Journal, wisely ordained the frequency of elections for the very Mr. Grundy, of Tennessee, offered a resolution. Was purpose of undoing what had been wrongly done by their there any other gentleman by the name in Congress at predecessors, and of doing that which had been left that time? Mr. GRUNDY. I am the man. Mr. CLAY. The resolution was as follows: "Resolved, That a committee be appointed to inquire into the expediency of establishing a national bank; and that they have leave to report by bill or otherwise." undone. If the gentleman from Virginia would reflect on this subject as much as others, who had been instrumental in bringing forward the proposition, he was sure he would not be so confident that he acted correctly in refusing a deliberate consideration of it. I (said Mr. G.) have no secret on this subject: I wish to see a bank A word as to the whig bank. The Bank of England established as a national object, let who will be in power: was established during the whig reign of William, to check as a general measure I wish to see it adopted. Look at the rapid encroachments of the aristocracy; and its charter the situation of our country-and I say the gentleman had been continued under the whig administration of should forget his home, and not leave his country in peril. William IV. You have authorized a loan for twenty-five millions, and Mr. GRUNDY. You know what I told you. I am have provided for the expenditure of so much money. not precisely accurate in my recollection of old things. Where is the money? Some well-informed men say there forget the reign in which the Bank of England was estab-will be no difficulty in obtaining it; others, as well inlished. But I have not forgotten that in 1813 we had formed, say, that the attempt to obtain it may not be troubles on every hand-our armies were in the field, successful. I hope that gentlemen of the former descripand we were destitute of means. The older States could tion are correct. I know not what the prospect is; but not raise men, and statesmen much older and more able one thing I do know-I would run no hazard on this point; than myself offered nothing in the way of relief. I was and for one, though I have as much anxiety to be at young, and sanguine in the belief that a bank might be home as any one, I am willing to sit a few days longer, to established which would relieve the country. I introdu- see how it will be. The gentleman from Virginia no ced the resolution for an inquiry, and it was gone into. doubt felt the same anxiety for the public service; and The gentleman from South Carolina was one of the com- Mr. G. said, if his constitutional scruples were so great mittee of which I was the chairman. We found then that he could not vote for this measure, in case the money the very same difficulties that now exist. Some were of should not be conveniently obtained, it might be necesopinion that the constitution had given us no power to sary to resort to some other. For general consideration, create a bank. The gentleman from South Carolina, Mr. G. said, he had always been in favor of a measure of believe, thought that we could do it. I have no particu- this sort; and he entertained no constitutional scruples lar recollection about that. I thought we might locate a about it. In point of time, he thought the present situabank in the District of Columbia. Consulting with tion of the country afforded a cogent argument in favor moneyed men, they held we could create one. On ac- of the measure." count of the diversity of opinion which prevailed, that Mr. GRUNDY. It is all true, just as it is reported. book will show that, on my motion, the committee was And does it prove that I was in favor of any bank, exdischarged, and no bill was presented. I could say, though cept a bank in the District of Columbia. But I will lay I do not choose to be catechised, what were my opinions all this aside, and claim the benefit of the general act of about a bank. When called on at a proper time, you oblivion. I had the same reason for change as the gentleshall know them. If my opinions have been at one time man from Kentucky. The gentleman had formerly said, for, and at another time against the bank, I have a noble that in New York, three years was a sufficient period for precedent before me in the gentleman from Kentucky: the limitation of opinions. If I had been pressed as hard and if he was at one time for, and at another time against as the gentleman from Kentucky, I could take the benefit it, why not I? It is no farther from you to me, than it is of this act. from me to you. But my opinions were not then matured. Mr. BROWN said, that a few days since, in some remarks The gentleman will see by the book in his hand, that I was which he had made, he had taken occasion to say, that he pressed to give my opinions as to what kind of bank I believed the Bank of England was established during a wished. I replied, Let us see all that can be done, and tory administration. He was now convinced that that was take all the opinions we can get, and then decide. There a tory measure, for history informed us that King Wilare no opinions of mine on record; I gave none, except liam, previous to the establishment of the bank, had to the committee, and in favor of the location in the Dis-thrown himself into the arms of the tories, and a tory trict of Columbia; and as to that I have not a precise re- Parliament had been elected. He (Mr. B.) had inferred, collection. I expect to have this bank question up at and did still infer, that it was a tory concern. In making home. I shall keep myself uncommitted for that time, as these remarks, it was not with a view of passing any imfar as I can. I hope gentlemen will now let me alone, putation on any party. He believed that the gentleman and not force me to get up again. from Tennessee was a good bona fide whig. There Mr. CLAY said, that the gentleman needed not to get were good whigs on both sides-bank and anti-bank up again, unless for the purpose of answering himself. whigs. He had no objection to the gentleman from He would now read the following extracts from a speech Maryland assuming the name of "whig," for it was like delivered by the gentleman on the subject of this bank: charity-it covered a multitude of political sins. MAY 1, 1834.] Baltimore Proceedings.-Vermont Memorials. VERMONT MEMORIALS. [SENATE. Mr. PRENTISS presented a memorial from a large number of the inhabitants of the county of Windsor, in Vermont. Mr. McKEAN thought these untimely desultory discussions had at least produced one beneficial result. It had, on this occasion, taught us, when we were laying snares for our neighbors, how liable we were to get caught ourselves. The two honorable Senators from Kentucky and Mr. PRENTISS said he had occasion, a few weeks since, Tennessee [Messrs. CLAY and GRUNDY] had succeeded to present to the Senate the resolutions of a convention admirably in fixing on each other the charge of incon- of delegates from the several towns in the county of sistency, if an honest change of opinion could thus be Windsor, in Vermont, disapproving of the removal of the characterized. This had grown out of the introduction public deposites from the Bank of the United States, and of the name of Governor Wolf into the debates upon the complaining of the injurious effects of that measure upon presentation of memorials. The honorable Senator from the currency of the country, and upon the employments Kentucky seemed to think, if a certain degree of incon- and industry of the community. He had now a memosistency could be fixed on him, he might then consent to rial on the same interesting subject, signed by fifteen be associated with Governor Wolf. After what has been hundred and fifty-one intelligent and respectable citizens exhibited, whether the gentleman would think that of the same county, consisting of farmers, mechanics, further proof of his qualifications were necessary, he manufacturers, merchants, and professional men. As the would leave for him to decide, and much as the Governor memorial gave a very full and just representation of the and his friends might desire the association, it would not depressed state of business, and the embarrassed condibecome them to solicit the connexion. But it seemed now tion of the people in Vermont, and exposed, in very dethat the degree of consistency was to be estimated by the cided and apt terms, the impolicy, injustice, and illegallength of time it took to change an opinion. The genity of the late proceeding of the Executive in relation to tlemen had both changed on the subject of the bank, the revenue and currency of the country, as well as the but they had taken more time to do so than Governor disastrous consequences which had followed that extraWolf had, as had been alleged. But he denied that there ordinary and unwarrantable proceeding, it would be alwas any positive proof that Governor Wolf had changed. together superfluous, said Mr. P., for him to detain the He, however, did not pretend to doubt that Governor Senate with further remarks; and he would, therefore, Wolf's opinions of the present bank had undergone some content himself with merely asking that the memorial be change. But he (Mr. McK.) had stated on a former read, referred to the Committee on Finance, and printed occasion, as a matter of his own knowledge, and would with the names and occupations of the signers. now repeat, that Governor Wolf's opinions as to the utility and necessity of a national bank had not changed. His principal object however in rising, Mr. McK. said, was to take notice of an assertion made the other day by On presenting these resolutions, Mr. SWIFT said: I am the Senator from Kentucky, and which he had in sub-charged with sundry resolutions, accompanied by a mestance repeated to-day, viz. that he [Mr. CLAY] could morial, from citizens of Addison county, Vermont, on the prove in a court of justice, that Governor Wolf, three subject of the removal of the public deposites from the days prior to the 26th of February last, promised to send Bank of the United States, the consequent derangement a message to the Legislature of a directly opposite char- of the currency of the country, and the distress and emacter to that which he communicated on that day. He barrassment produced among that portion of the commudid not doubt that the Senator had been so informed; nity, and am requested to present the same to the Senate. therefore, what he intended to say could not be consid-I am informed by the gentleman who committed to my ered as alluding personally to the honorable gentleman, charge the resolutions and memorial, that there is appendand as it was not probable the gentleman would have an ed to the memorial the names of 1,926 freemen, amountopportunity of adducing his proof in a court of justice, he ing, as I believe, to a majority of all the votes given at would put the question directly at issue, and would now any one election in that county. The county of Addison assert, that he questioned the veracity of any man who is, for the extent of its territory, one of the most popu would make such a declaration; and from this point he lous and wealthy counties of the State. It contains a would not be driven by any thing but the testimony itself. rich and fertile soil, and abundantly pays the farmer for Mr. CLAY said, that he had not brought in Governor his labor in the ordinary products of that climate. Owing Wolf into this day's discussion. He had not stated of his to the encouragement given to the various branches of own knowledge the circumstances to which the gentle-industry by the Congress of the United States, and particman referred, but he had received them from an unques-ularly to the growing of wool, much attention has been tionable authority, in which he placed entire reliance, and paid to the produce of that article, and it has become the one which he thought, if the gentleman knew it, he staple of that county, and a source of wealth to the would himself be indisposed to doubt. farmers. This county possesses manufacturing advantages Mr. McKEAN repeated that he did not understand over almost every other section of country. One of the the gentleman from Kentucky as speaking from his own knowledge, and that he must still question the veracity of any one who made the statement, and challenge the proof. The proceedings were then read. Mr. FORSYTH expressed a wish for time to look over the papers before they were printed, and hoped they might be laid on the table for that purpose. It was read, referred, and ordered to be printed. largest rivers of the State runs through the centre of the county, and its numerous falls afford privileges for manufacturing establishments, to every extent desired; and manufacturing business of various kinds, and to a great extent, has been carried on, by which numerous poor people have heretofore found profitable and constant employment. This county also enjoys great advantages from Mr. POINDEXTER said, he intended to submit a mo- the facilities afforded it in the transportation of its prodtion to lay the proceedings on the table, not on account ucts to market. It borders on Lake Champlain, which of any want of respect to the source from which they is connected with the navigable waters of the Hudson came, or of any disapproval of their tenor and purport, river by a canal. The character of its inhabitants for but because it would have a singular appearance to spread industry, morality, and intelligence, would not suffer by a these proceedings, containing references to the protest, comparison with the population of any other section of on the Journal, while a question was pending whether country. These are the people, lately enjoying the adthe protest should be put on the Journal or not. He vantages which I have stated, who now approach Congress moved to lay the proceedings on the table, and the mo- with their complaint. They complain that a state of untion was agreed to. precedented plenty and prosperity has been followed by SENATE.] Vermont Memorials.—Memorial from Boston. [MAY 1, 1834. a sudden and general stagnation of business in all its of the State. That they have an interest, in common branches. The trade of the merchant is diminished and with the other citizens, in the bank, as a fiscal agent of diminishing; the business of the manufacturer and me- the Government, and as the means by which a sound and chanic is curtailed; laborers are thrown out of employ-uniform currency is secured, they admit; and so far from ment; and enterprise, in every department of industry, is entertaining feelings of friendship for the bank or its crippled. They regard the removal of the public de- stockholders, I am confident that, until the recent measposites from the Bank of the United States, and the hos-ures of the Executive, by which the operations and imtile attitude assumed by the Executive branch of the Gov-portance of the institution have become more fully ernment against the bank, in that measure, as the primary known, a majority of the people entertained strong prejcause of this state of distress and embarrassment. They udices against it. Many who were interested in the deem the said removal of the deposites an unnecessary, banks of that State believed that the United States Bank unwarrantable, and dangerous exercise of power over the exercised an unjust control over the issues of the State public treasure on the part of the Executive, and resort- banks, and thus deprived them of a portion of the profed to for a purpose not within his legitimate duties, by its to which they were entitled; and thus many complainwhich the currency of the country has become deranged, ed of what they now deem essential to a sound and uniand credit and confidence in moneyed institutions and form currency. And thus these measures, by proving to capitalists in a measure destroyed. They profess to be- the people the importance of the institution, have prolieve that, if this experiment on the currency of the duced great unanimity in favor of a national bank. I can country is persisted in, that their embarrassments will be also assure you, sir, that these memorialists have not been increased, and that their principal staple, wool, and all influenced, in sending to you their memorial, by a spirit other products, must fail of a market, or be sold at ruin- of hostility to the present Chief Magistrate. They feel ous sacrifices. They declare that, in their opinion, a no personal hostility to him. They well know that the sound currency is of indispensable necessity to the enter-political relation which exists between him as Chief prise and prosperity of the country, and in preserving a Magistrate and themselves as citizens of this great repubuniform value to labor and property; that it is the pe-lic, will soon cease for ever by the expiration of his presculiar province and bounden duty of Congress to provide ent term of service, and they neither expect or desire to and maintain such currency; and that any interference diminish or extend that term. It is true that they are, with the same, on the part of the Executive, is an un-and ever have been, opposed to the leading measures of warranted and dangerous exercise of power. They deem his administration, believing them to be ruinous to the a national bank necessary as the fiscal agent of the Gov-best interests of the country, yet they would sincerely ernment, a safe depository of the public funds, and of rejoice to see him abandon those measures, and then fill the highest utility in preserving a sound and uniform cur-up the remainder of his term of service with usefulness rency, by restraining the issues of the State banks within to his country and honor to himself. They, however, proper bounds, and in furnishing a safe and valuable me-possess too much intelligence and firmness of purpose, dium of domestic and foreign exchange. They do not to yield support to measures which they deem arbitrary advocate a paper currency without an adequate specie and unjust. No, sir, they never will yield nor consent basis, but consider a return to a currency exclusively that a single vestige of their rights shall be wrested from metallic as being not only impracticable and undesirable, them by arbitrary power; they know their rights, and but as a measure fraught with incalculable mischief, if not will maintain them. Sir, they have no expectation of certain ruin, to all the leading interests of the nation. seeking redress, but in a peaceable, constitutional way. And they call upon Congress for such speedy measures of In this way they will seek until redress becomes hoperelief as will restore the confidence and quiet the appre-less; but they do not despair or even doubt that redress, hensions of the people, in relation to the derangement of sooner or later, will be granted them. They know the the currency and the consequent public distress. jealousy of power entertained by the people; they judge Mr. President, it is my good fortune to be acquainted from the history of the past, as well as from the present with some of the gentlemen who were present at the signs of the times; and they do not fear the result of the meeting which adopted the resolutions, and whose names issue now pending between the President and the people. are appended to the memorial. I know them well. They Should the course adopted prove unsuccessful, and reare men of the first respectability and intelligence. The dress in this way hopeless, I will not predict as to the gentleman who presided at that meeting (my honored future course they may think proper to adopt; they have predecessor) is well known to most of the members of not authorized me to do so; or to use for them (as I have the Senate, and will, of course, need no commendation been accused of doing on a former occasion) the language from me. Sir, I consider these gentlemen fully compe- of threats and menace. Sir, I ask that the resolutions tent to judge of the past and present pecuniary condition and memorial be read, printed with the names, and comof the people of that county, and of the change from a mitted to the Committee on Finance. state of prosperity to a state of embarrassment and distress, which they say has taken place among them: and they are fully competent to judge of the cause which has Mr. WEBSTER presented the memorial of a large produced that change; and it is their firm, candid, and number of citizens of Boston, whom he spoke of as indeliberate judgment, that this change has been produced telligent and respectable merchants; setting forth that inby the unnecessary, unwarrantable, and unjustifiable conveniences arise from the present state of the laws measures of the Executive branch of the Government. regulating the legal tender of the country; that the gold I am aware, sir, that much excitement prevails through-coin bears a less value, in relation to silver, than its just out the country on the subject, and it has heretofore been and true value; and they pray Congress that the lecharged to memorialists who have complained of Execu- gal value of gold may be made to correspond with its tive encroachments and abuse of power, that they have real value, and that the coins of other countries, at propbeen influenced by interest in, or friendship for, the Bank er rates, may be made a legal tender. The subject, of the United States, or by a spirit of hostility to the said Mr. W., is important; and I entirely concur in the Chief Magistrate of the United States. Sir, these me- opinions here expressed. Indeed, sir, I have had a measmorialists have no interest in the bank but what is com-ure, in relation to the subject, prepared for some weeks, mon to all other citizens. I believe there is not a share but have delayed bringing it forward, in consequence of of that bank owned by a citizen of that county; and I be the pendency of a similar measure in the other House. lieve also that very little, if any, is owned by any resident I have the pleasure to notice, that that measure is making MEMORIAL FROM BOSTON. MAY 1, 1834.] ion. progress, and may be expected soon to receive a decis- Mr. President, I some time since, on the presentation The memorialists will see that their wishes, in this of a memorial from Hamilton county, suggested the beparticular, have been in some measure anticipated; and lief, derived from the highly respectable gentleman from that there is reason to hope that such a law as they desire whom I received it, that two-thirds of the qualified voters will shortly pass. of the county had signed, or were ready to sign, that paper, if it had been presented to them. My colleague declared his belief, founded on a long acquaintance and intimate knowledge of the city and county, that the me The memorial was referred. MEMORIAL FROM ROSS COUNTY, OHIO. Mr. EWING said: I have before me, and am instruct-morial did not in fact contain a number of signatures ed to present to the Senate, a memorial signed by 1,750 equal to half the voters in the city. Returns of the last of the inhabitants and qualified voters of the county of October election, since received, enable me to say that Ross, in the State of Ohio. That county includes a fair the memorial is signed by a number equal to more than portion of the beautiful and fertile valley of the Scioto half the votes given in the city and county at the last Occovering a part, also, of the picturesque region which tober election, and my general information as to the opinlies between the broad and level plains towards the north ion of the people of that county is confirmed by all that and west, and the hilly and mineral country to the south-I have since heard on that subject. east. Its citizens, and I know them well, for many of On the authority of those 4,310 witnesses, I spoke of them are my old and respected friends, are intelligent, general pecuniary pressure and mercantile embarrassindustrious, and enterprising; and, as it is one of the old-ment in that county, and especially in the city. My colest counties in the State, they have many of them accu- league, on the authority of very recent information, demulated that degree of competence, and even wealth, nied that such embarrassment existed, and stated that the which is the sure reward of well-directed industry, in a prices of all agricultural products were better than they country so highly favored by nature as that is. The num- had been for former years. I hold in my hand a price ber of votes given in that county, at the last October elec- current for the 11th of April, the day on which the distion, is stated at 2,464; and the gentleman who has for-cussion took place in the Senate, for four successive years, warded me this memorial, states, that, in addition to the which will show that my colleague was wrongly informed signatures which I now present, a sufficient number are in on that subject, and that my own information was correct. the hands of gentlemen, and not yet returned, to swell The comparative prices are as follows: the aggregate to 2,000. I think I may, therefore, fairly 1830-Flour, superfine assume that this memorial expresses the opinions and the Pork, clear feelings of a majority of the people of that county. Ross county, perhaps, would feel as little the direct effect of the overthrow of the Bank of the United States as any part of the Western country. As far as I know, the people of that county are not, to any considerable extent, its debtors; and they have in their principal town, Chillicothe, one of the oldest and strongest of our banks. But that bank cannot, consistently with its own safety-which I feel assured its directors will never hazard-supply the wants of the commercial and agricultural community. Mr. President, I will say nothing of the former political opinions of the people of Ross, who have signed this memorial, or of those who have not signed it. It is im material what may have been their personal preferences; they are all American citizens; all friends of free Government and national prosperity; all opposed to ruinous experiments on the happiness of a great and free people; | all, I trust, opposed to a concentration of the powers of Government in the hands of one man. do mess do prime Hams Whiskey, gallon 1831-Flour, superfine Pork, clear do mess do prime Hams 1832-Flour, superfine do prime Hams Whiskey 1834-Flour, superfine do mess do prime Hams $3.00 10 50 9 00 7 00 61 18 4.00 12 00 10 50 8 00 7 4 00 11.00 9.50 7 50 7 23 4 62 11 25 10 00 8 00 64 26 275 10 00 8 00 7 18 The memorialists, in common with the rest of their fellow-citizens, complain of the deranged state of the currency-the destruction of commercial credit and confidence the fall of price in all the great staples of the country; and especially in the price of fat cattle, their principal staple. They trace the causes of all these evils to that fatal experiment, to which all candid and intelligent men will finally attribute them, notwithstanding the bold and repeated asseverations of those who be- And, by a letter which I have just received, I am adgan by denying the existence of public distress, and now vised that the morning after the paper containing those attempt to cast the censure upon the victim, instead of prices current went to the press, an arrival from New Orthe perpetrator of the lawless aggression which caused it. leans brought intelligence that flour had fallen there to The memorialists further say, that, if the Bank of the $2 87; that bacon was down to about 3 cents, and whisUnited States had been permitted to live out its day, and key to 18 cents; and a letter from the son of a member expire in due course of time, that its termination would of the other House, who is an extensive farmer, states have caused less embarrassment in the country; that the that flour has fallen to $2 in Dayton, and that the millers people would have been prepared to meet it, and could have ceased to do merchant work, in consequence of the have done so, without great or serious suffering; but that fall of prices. I am further advised that I was not inacthey were unprepared for the sudden shock which is thus curate in my incidental remarks, as to the notes of the brought on their business by this wanton attack upon the bank of Maryland, in circulation in Ohio. A letter from bank, which has so deranged the business of the coun-a gentleman in Manchester, in that State, informs me that try, that it most imperiously requires a remedy; and that a large amount of those notes were in circulation in that none is, in their judgment, so safe and adequate as the neighborhood; and that the heirs of one of his friends had re-charter of the Bank of the United States. sold their patrimony, and received payment in that paper, |