this, the circumstances of the disclosure, the amazement of the father, the embarrassment of the son, the vote of the house approving the conduct of the latter, and requesting his father to be reconciled to him, and the displeasure of the father notwithstanding, and the consequent coldness between them, bear so much the air of truth, as strongly to corroborate the whole affair. In conclusion, we think there is abundant proof of Strafford's guilt, insomuch that even Lingard admits that he was "the most able and devoted champion of the claims of the crown:" and the intelligent reader will understand this to mean, the vindicator of Charles' tyranny and oppression, "and the most dangerous enemy to the liberties of the people." And though we rejoice that a milder spirit characterizes the present age, and regret the sanguinary character of the ancient laws on the subject of treason, and especially condemn all executions for constructive and accumulative treason, yet such as the laws then were, and as they were then understood and applied, we see not how the verdict in Strafford's case could have been otherwise. We cannot decide upon the justness of this or any other political measure by a reference to the spirit and laws of our own age. We must transport ourselves a few centuries backward, and become coeval with the parties. In this day if a statesman be convicted of "high crimes and misdemeanors," he is dismissed from office, and sent to languish out his existence in obscurity and neglect. In that day every one knew that there was but a step from the cabinet to the tower, and from the tower to the block.

Those who are fond of tracing the hand of Divine Providence in human affairs, will not fail to remark the coincidence in the present case. The Vanes and the people were the objects of Strafford's superlative contempt-the subjects of his injustice and oppressions. The people, by means of their representatives in the house of commons, and the Vanes, were the selected instruments of his destruction.

From this time Sir Harry Vane became still more decided in his opposition to the encroachments of the crown, and in his attachment to the cause of the people: so that on the actual commencement of hostilities we find him enrolled on the side of the Parliament. In June, 1643, he was appointed one of the commissioners to Scotland to form an alliance with that kingdom. On this occasion was formed "the solemn league and corenant for reformation and defence of religion, the honor and happiness of the king, and the peace and safety of the three kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland."* Whatever was thought of the object and character of this instrument, all seem to have given no small praise to Vane for uncommon diplomatic skill in effecting the treaty; and we apprehend few will be found in the present day who will deny him the praise of perfect honesty and uprightness in his intentions.

It is much to be regretted that popular leaders of rebellions, however good their cause, and excellent their original principles, have too often been so elated by their prosperity as to abandon themselves to the impulses of a reckless ambition, and madly trample upon the rights of the people which they first undertook to defend.

* Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. iv, p. 1573.

Cæsars, Cromwells, and Bonapartes are the natural production of every soil. A Washington stands alone, the common property of the world, but the peculiar glory of America. Sir Henry Vane soon found himself associated with a class of men for whom he felt but little sympathy. Factious, fanatical, unprincipled, and ambitious, they resorted to expedients which he could not tolerate. But he was embarked upon the ocean of popular tumult, and a storm was raised which he could not quell. In 1648 was concluded the treaty between the Parliament and the unhappy Charles, then a prisoner in the Isle of Wight. Although Vane opposed this measure as one of the commissioners, and voted against it in parliament, yet as soon as it was adopted, he considered the war at an end, and the king lawfully and actually restored. To the violence of Cromwell, therefore, he was entirely opposed. He no less abhorred the audacious and high-handed measure of impudent tyranny, called "Col. Pride's Purge," although it excluded his opponents from the parliament, and left only such as he had identified with the cause of liberty. There is, perhaps, no transaction in his life which shows more strongly than this, the independence of his mind and the purity of his principles. At the very moment when his own party had gained an uncontrollable power, and the views which he had contended for were about to be carried fully out, and he was to witness a practical experiment of his favorite theory; at that precise moment he stood alone and unaided against his entire party, and utterly refused to participate in their triumph. Disgusted and shocked at human perfidy, and heart-stricken by so palpable a violation of all sound liberty, he withdrew from the arena of conflict, and sought repose in private life. In the violent transactions, therefore, of Cromwell's administration, especially in the bloody tragedy of the 30th Jan., 1649, he had no participation, nor could he ever be made to approve them.

After the death of the unhappy and misguided monarch, he was again induced to mingle in public affairs. He was appointed member of the council of state, and was for some time its president, in which capacity; and as treasurer and commissioner for the navy, he held more power in his hands, probably, than any person in the kingdom excepting only the protector. It was in this situation he weaved for himself another chaplet of glory, which shall enwreath his name with lustre while history endures. He voluntarily relinquished, for the good of the public, the profits of his office, when they amounted to no less than thirty thousand pounds sterling per

annum.

But Sir Harry Vane and Oliver Cromwell were too dissimilar in their views and principles to continue long in close union. An incident soon occurred which drove him again into retirement, and as this is closely connected with the dissolution of the long parliament, it may not be uninteresting to give a hasty sketch of it.

As one of a committee to consider the state of the representation, he reported a bill for a reform in parliament. In some features this bill bore a strong resemblance to the celebrated reform bill of recent date. Then, as now, the national representation was found defective. Boroughs which were of sufficient importance at the settlement of the kingdom to have a member in parliament, had sunk into

utter insignificancy, or as the modern phrase is, had become "rotten." Towns meanwhile had arisen into prime importance to which a representation had never been assigned. Moreover, the original qualification for voting, viz., the holding of real estate in fee simple, was no longer just. For owing to the vast impulse given to trade by the discoveries already mentioned, many, by successful enterprise, had become wealthy, who possessed no landed property. But this new order of men had no fair representation in parliament, although their interests were rising rapidly to a par with those of the "lords of the soil." The two principal points, therefore, aimed at by Vane's bill, were, first, by breaking up the rotten borough system, to secure a representation of the towns more in accordance with the relative importance they had acquired: and secondly, by enlarging the elective franchise to provide for the representation of a class of citizens who had arisen since the constitution of the kingdom was formed. To this we may add, a removal of denominational distinctions and an admission of all sects to equal privileges.

It is very clear that the passage of this bill would lead to a remodelling of the parliament. Many members would lose their seats; and the whole must be submitted to the ordeal of public opinion. As Cromwell's ambitious aims began already to be suspected, he had good reason to fear and shun such a test. It is at least probable that it would have occasioned the overthrow of his authority. He had sagacity enough to perceive this, and he took his measures to prevent it.

The catastrophe we give in the words of our author, both on account of the interest of the scene, and as a happy specimen of his manner of relation.

"On the 20th of April, 1653, the house having concluded all the preliminary measures respecting the bill, nothing remained but to give it its third reading, and engross and enact it. A motion was made, that these forms be forthwith observed and the bill become a law; in the event of which motion passing, the long parliament would, according to the provision of the bill, be dissolved and a new one summoned. Harrison, who was in Cromwell's confidence on

k * The house of commons was first organized by the earl of Leicester in the reign of Henry III., A. D. 1265. Of course, circumstances, and especially the wonderful importance which the manufacturing arts were acquiring, produced strange alterations on the face of the country, and in the relative importance of towns. Hence it was that a mere hamlet sometimes sent one, or perhaps two members to parliament, while large and growing manufacturing towns sent none. Out of this another evil arose. In some cases all the real estate in such a borough had passed, by purchase or otherwise, into the hands of one person; and as there was no other qualified voter, his single voice sent a member to parliament, or, if he do not choose to do his work by proxy, he might go himself. This will explain the phrases, "purchasing a vote," and "buying a seat in parliament," which we find in English political writings, and explains Mr. Upham's assertion, that "a seat in parliament is worth a thousand pounds per annum." At least I know not what other meaning to attach to it, since the privilege of a seat, I believe, involves no pecuniary emolument. But this must be a very uncertain standard, as the value of a seat, in this sense, must depend on the amount of real property in the borough to which the privilege appertains, and this of course is exceedingly various. But perhaps it only means that the right of nomination to parliament renders the estate more desirable, and thereby raises its nominal value; or, in other words, makes it bring a higher price in the market.

this occasion, rose to debate the motion, merely in order to gain time. Word was carried to Cromwell, that the house were on the point of putting the final motion; and Colonel Ingoldsby hastened to Whitehall to tell him that, if he intended to do any thing decisive, he had no time to lose..

"Cromwell at last, and evidently against the most powerful struggles of his conscience, roused himself for the occasion, and repaired to the house. He was dressed in a suit of plain black, with grey worsted stockings. He took his seat, and appeared to be listening to the debate. As the speaker was about to rise to put the question, Cromwell whispered to Harrison, 'Now is the time; I must do it.' As he rose, his countenance became flushed and blackened by the terrific passions which the crisis awakened. With the most reckless violence of manner and language, he abused and aspersed the character of the house; and, after the first burst of his denun ciations had passed, suddenly changing his tone, he exclaimed, You think, perhaps, that this is not parliamentary language; I know it; nor are you to expect such from me.' He then advanced out into the middle of the hall, and walked to and fro, like a man beside himself. In a few moments he stamped upon the floor, the doors flew open, and a file of musketeers entered. As they advanced, Cromwell exclaimed, looking over the house, 'You are no parliament; I say you are no parliament; begone, and give place to honest men.'

"His whole manner was like that of a person who had surrendered himself up to a design which his mind and heart equally condemned. To stifle the voice of reason and conscience, he seemed to resort to the most extravagant gestures, exclamations, and actions. He sought refuge from the compunctions of his better nature, in the transports of blind fury. Raising his voice to a loud pitch, he poured forth invectives and reproaches against the leading mem. bers, calling them by name, in language so gross and indecent as would have shocked the most vulgar and depraved ears. He ordered the speaker to leave the chair; and, when his eye fell upon the mace, he shouted out, What have we to do with that fool's bauble? Take it away.'

"While this extraordinary scene was transacting, the members, hardly believing their own ears and eyes, sat in mute amazement, horror, and pity of the maniac traitor who was storming and raving before them. At length Vane rose to remonstrate, and call him to his senses; but Cromwell, instead of listening to him, drowned his voice, repeating with great vehemence, and as though drunk with the desperate excitement of the moment, 'Sir Harry Vane! Sir Harry Vane! Good Lord, deliver me from Sir Harry Vane! He then seized the records, snatched the bill from the hands of the clerk, drove the members out at the point of the bayonet, locked the doors, put the key in his pocket, and returned to Whitehall. On reaching his palace, he related the exploit, and in conclusion ob served, When I went to the house, I did not think to have done this. But, perceiving the Spirit of God so strong upon me, I would no longer consult flesh and blood!"

6

Sir Harry Vane now retired to his seat of Raby Castle, to wait

until circumstances should again call him forth as an advocate of the people's rights. In this retirement he produced some of his most important works. These were chiefly of a theological character; but one was political, or more properly, of that politicotheological kind which characterized the age. This was the celebrated tract called "A Healing Question," the object of which was to expose the designs of Cromwell, and to induce him to pause in his tyrannical career. This contains many valuable sentiments on liberty, and exhibits a wonderfully clear view of a subject at that time little understood. It recognizes the cardinal principles on which is based the constitution of the United States. This tract aroused the wrath of my lord protector, and poor Sir Harry had to pay the penalty by an imprisonment for some months in Caresbrook Castle, together with sundry efforts to wrest from him his estates, and involve himself and his family in utter ruin.

But other events were soon to take place. In 1658 the protector resigned his sceptre and his ill-gotten power, and went to give an account of his deeds at the bar of Heaven. Sir Henry Vane now came forward again to claim a seat in parliament. He was elected by a plurality of votes from his old borough of Hull; but the dependents on government managed to keep him from his just claim. The same thing occurred at Bristol. At length he was elected from Whitchurch, in Hampshire. Immediately he took an active part in business, and his talents and zeal made him a distinguished leader of his party. His object was to overturn the protectorate, and institute a republic. His cause was gaining ground. Richard, urged by his partisans, resolved to put an end to the discussion by dissolving the body. But the house was prepared for him. When the usher of the black rod came to execute his commission, he found the door locked. It was on this occasion that Sir Harry Vane delivered a speech which hurled Richard from his throne. It is remarkable that his agency in this transaction, as well as the speech itself, should have been passed over in silence by all our modern historians. Considering the circumstances under which it was delivered, it may be justly cited as a proof of its author's ability, learning, readiness, and eloquence. If we remember, too, that he was in the minority, and Richard, with the military power still at his disposal, almost within hearing, it may be regarded as an evidence of no small degree of moral courage. Our readers, I am sure, will pardon its introduction, for the sake of its excellence.

"Mr. Speaker,

666

'Among all the people of the universe, I know none who have shown so much zeal for the liberty of their country, as the English, at this time, have done. They have, by the help of Divine Providence, overcome all obstacles, and have made themselves free. We have driven away the hereditary tyranny of the house of Stuarts, at the expense of much blood and treasure, in hopes of enjoying hereditary liberty, after having shaken off the yoke of kingship; and there is not a man among us who could have imagined that any person would be so bold as to dare attempt the ravishing from us that freedom which has cost us so much blood and so much labor. But so it happens, I know not by what misfortune, we are