go a nabob hunting on this occasion. Why should not the great Mogul be obliged to contribute towards, if not to pay, the national debt, as some have proposed? He is a pagan, an East Indian, and of a dark complexion, which are full as good reasons for laying him under contribution, as any I have found abroad, in the pamphlets and coffee-house conferences, for taxing the colonists.

Though in favour of an American representation in parliament, he admits that the scheme was not popular." The gentleman has made himself quite merry with the modest proposal, some have made, though I find it generally much disliked in the colonies, and thought impracticable, namely, an American representation in parliament. But if he is now sober, I would humbly ask him, if there be really and naturally, any greater absurdity in this plan, than in a Welch and Scotch representation? I would by no means, at any time, be understood to intend by an American representation, the return of half a score, ignorant, worthless, persons, who like some colony agents, might be induced to sell their country and their God, for a golden calf. An American representation, in my sense of the terms, and as I ever used them, implies, a thorough beneficial union of these colonies to the realm, or mother country, so that all the parts of the empire may be compacted and consolidated, and the constitution flourish with new vigour, and the national strength, power and importance, shine with far greater splendour, than ever yet hath been seen by the sons of men.

An American representation implies every real advantage to the subject abroad, as well as at home.

"It may be a problem, what state will be of longest duration, greatest glory, and domestic happiness. I am not at leisure fully to consider this question at present. Time shall show. I can now only say, it will be that state, which like Great Britain, Heaven shall have favoured with every conceivable advantage, and given it wisdom and integrity enough to see and embrace an opportunity, which once lost, can never be regained. Every mountain must be removed, and every path be made smooth and straight. Every region, nation and people, must to all real intents and purposes, be united, knit and worked into the very bones and blood of the original system, as fast as subdued, settled or allied. Party views and short sighted politicians should be discarded with the ignominy and contempt they deserve.

"Mr. J-s seems to be seized with an immense panic, lest a sudden importation of American eloquence' should interfere with those, who are fond of monopolizing the place and pension business. He even insinuates that it would cost more to pay our orators, than a standing army here. I will ease him of this difficulty. There would not be many worth the high price of Britain. When trimmers, time-servers, scepticks, cockfighters, architects, fiddlers, and castle-builders, who commonly sell cheap, were bought off, there might not be more than three or four worth purchasing and if they should sell as

cheap in Britain, as I have known some of them in America, it would fall infinitely short of the blood and treasure, a standing army may one day cost."

He discusses very fully the meaning of the phrase, virtual representation; he shews, there is no such expression in the laws or the constitution, that it is altogether a subtlety, an illusion, and as respects the colonies, wholly unfounded and absurd. At the conclusion of his remarks, he observes: "The first parliament of James the first, upon the knees of their hearts,' (as they express it) agnize their most constant faith, obedience and loyalty to his majesty and his royal progeny, as in that high court of parliament, where all the whole body of the realm, and every particular member thereof, either in person, or, by representation upon their own free elections, are by the laws of this realm, deemed to be personally present. But as much prone as those times were to mystic divinity, school philosophy, academic politics and other nonsense, they say not a word of the virtual representation of Ireland or the other dominions."

He concludes this letter with the two following paragraphs. "It may perhaps sound strangely to some, but it is in my most humble opinion as good law, and as good sense too, to affirm that all the plebeians of Great Britain are in fact, or virtually represented in the assembly of the Tuskaroras, as that all the colonists are in fact or virtually represented in the honourable house of commons of Great Britain, separately considered as one branch of the

supreme and universal legislature of the whole empire."

"These considerations, I hope, will in due time have weight enough to induce your lordship to use your great influence, for the repeal of the stamp act. I shall transmit your lordship, by the next mail, a simple, easy plan, for perpetuating the British empire in all parts of the world. A plan however, that cost me much thought before I had matured it. But for which I neither expect nor desire any reward in this world, but the satisfaction of reflecting that I have contributed my mite to the service of my king and country. The good of mankind is my ultimate wish."

The hints suggested in this little work, of a systematic consolidation of the British empire, by a regular plan of representation, from every part, were entertained by a few, and only a few persons on each side of the Atlantic. The views were too vast for the conception of ordinary minds, who, in the first instance, asserted it to be impracticable, and would then have proved it to be so, by the opposition of their own bigoted and sordid motives. There is something magnificent in the idea of a congress of such an empire, embracing some of the finest portions of the four quarters of the globe. If it had been realized, its power would have been so preponderant, that the visionary hope of a universal confederation among civilized nations, might have been possible. One consequence would in time have happened; a consequence, which Dr. Franklin was

accused of meditating; that of transferring the seat of government.* There are some splendid visions that arise in the mind, while contemplating such a grand representative dominion, as this would have been; yet the good effects that might have resulted, will now be produced by the American revolution, in a more manageable, though, perhaps less imposing form, and the general advantage, not only to this country, but to the rest of the world, will be ultimately greater.

"The plan for perpetuating the British empire," if it were ever drawn, would have been an interesting document. He speaks of it so positively, that it was probably sketched, and remained among his papers, to share their fate at an after period. The anxiety respecting the stamp act was daily increasing, and the writer had too much to do, in opposing that measure, and the subsequent acts of the ministry for raising a revenue, to think of any general schemes of government, which the experience of every day proved to be more and more difficult. The English ministry, though fluctuating and change

Dr. Franklin, in writing to governor Franklin, from London, Nov. 25, 1767, giving some account of his plan for forming one settlement at the mouth of the Ohio, and another at Detroit, adds, "My lord, (Clare) told me one pleasant circumstance, viz. that he had shewn this paper to the Dean of Gloucester, (Dr. Tucker) to hear his opinion of the matter; who very sagaciously remarked, that he was sure that paper was drawn up by Dr. Franklin; he saw him in every paragraph; adding, that Dr. Franklin wanted to remove the seat of gov ernment to America: that, said he, is his constant plan." D.. Franklin belonged to an order of minds, which according to a French expression, have a good deal of the future in them. The Portuguese experiment has shown that the transfer of a seat of government is not impossible.