portunity to throw in your petition, which, at present, will be by no means proper.”

Can there be a more striking example of the injurious and degrading tenure of our colonial existence, than this letter? The absurdity of its continuance is not only apparent, but it seems almost impossible, that its dissolution should have been protracted eight years from that date. The common sympathy of mankind will even now bring home to our bosoms, a sensation, that may afford some idea of what was felt by those, to whom this letter was addressed. Consider these circumstances. Extensive colonies, an empire in themselves, full of life and the irresistible expansion of vigorous growth, had been roused unanimously against a financial imposition, that was abrogated by their invincible opposition. The same parliament in withdrawing this act, for which even in the remotest corner of the continent they could find no footing, resolved that they would effect their purpose by other devices. The colonists were every where anxious and alert. The new acts soon appeared, not only onerous as taxes, but accompanied with most alarming innovations in various branches of government. The colony that was affected in common with the others by all these acts, but more severely and peculiarly by a part of them, is thrown into a state of deep excitement by the impending evil. Its legislature, faithful to its trust, selects the most able, intrepid and virtuous cf its members to consider what shall be the preventative and defence. They report a

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series of petitions and remonstrances, friendly and respectful indeed, but most earnest, urgent, and unanswerable. These documents, thus decisive and weighty, are ratified by an overwhelming majority, and transmitted, with deep anxiety for their effect. Three months afterwards the agent informs them, that he had delivered the letters to the minister, who is pleased to consider "the observations judicious," but he has not been subsequently, " admitted to converse with his lordship!" He gives however, as his own opinion, that owing to the electioneering squabbles of a new parliament, and to the higher price of the quartern loaf, "nothing will be done on American affairs."-He will still watch for the most favourable opportunity to throw in the petition, which at that time would be by no means proper!"

The importance of elections under a free government will not be denied, any more than that of the price of bread, under every form of dominion. But the paramount interest of these local occurrences, proves the inadequacy of parliament for the man agement of the colonies. They were assuming the right to bind in all cases whatever, men, who would not be bound at all; they were giving and granting the property of a people, who would stake fortune and life itself, against the illegal exaction of a shilling, and then would not even listen to their complaints, till they had settled the more important questions, whether this or that family should maintain its influence in a county, whether this or that venal mem

ber should represent a rotten or a houseless borough. In looking back to this period, the blind arrogance, indifference, or ignorance of the British councils respecting American affairs, seem almost incredible. What must have been the feelings of such men as Otis, Hawley, Adams, Hancock, Cushing, Dexter, and others, on receiving, while in breathless expectation, the assurance, that "the time was not proper" to present their petition! the gentlemen were too much heated by electioneering disputes to, "pay attention to America," but he would "watch for an opportunity to throw in their petitions!" How must these men, absorbed in patriotic anxieties, standing on the portentous verge to which they were driven, have read such a communication? with what bitter mortification, what alienating disgust, must they have heard such pretences and excuses, for disregarding all their instant appeals and intreaties? How must the inevitable resort to independence for self preservation, have rushed upon their minds? how vividly must they have foreseen the alternative that after a few more petitions, remonstrances and resolutions, AFTER ALL, THEY MUST FIGHT!"

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Chapter XX.

The Circular Letter"-Requisition for the Ministry to rescind it-Refusal of the Legislature-Dissolved in consequence by the Governor-Passages from the Speeches of Otis.

THE most remarkable of the documents* reported by the committee of the legislature, was the "Circular Letter," addressed to the speakers of the several colonies. This produced awakening consequences every where. The ministry were alarmed, and absurdly enough, wished the legislature of Massachusetts to recall the letter, which once sent, was executed. This letter was a still stronger appeal, than that proposing the congress of 1765. It was a leading incentive to making a common cause, under common suffering. It created a sympathy between the colonies, and induced them to meditate on the policy of confederation: and to feel, that though singly they might be broken, they would become strong when united.

This circular, dated "Province of Massachusetts Bay, February 11th, 1768," begins by saying, that the House of Representatives have taken into serious consideration, the late acts of Parliament, imposing duties and taxes on the American colonies. They then proceed," As it is a subject in which every

*All the principal letters and addresses here alluded to, will be found in the Mass. State Papers, p. 121 to 144.

colony is deeply interested, they have no reason to doubt but your House is deeply impressed with its importance, and that such constitutional measures will be come into, as are proper. It seems to be necessary, that all possible care should be taken, that the representatives of the several assemblies, upon so delicate a point, should harmonize with each other. The house, therefore, hope that this letter will be candidly considered in no other light, than as expressing a disposition freely to communicate their mind to a sister colony, upon a common concern, in the same manner as they would be glad to receive the sentiments of your, or any other House of assembly, on the continent.”

They then describe the course which they have pursued. They say, They have represented to the ministry, that parliament is the supreme legislative power over the whole empire: that the constitution is fixed, and as the supreme legislature derive all their power from it, they cannot overleap its bounds, without destroying their own foundation. That the constitution ascertains both sovereignty and allegiance, and that his majesty's American subjects who owe allegiance, have an equitable claim to a full enjoyment of the fundamental rules of the constitution: "that it is an essential, unalterable right in nature, engrafted into the British constitution, as a fundamental law, and ever held sacred and irrevocable by the subjects within the realm, that what a man has honestly acquired, is absolutely his own; which he may freely give, but cannot be taken from him, without his con