of the century, for the purpose of suppressing the buccaneering propensities of the Barbary pirates who flaunted the black flag from various strongholds on the North African coast. A letter from the Dey of Algiers, in 1815, to the "happy, the great, the amiable James Madison, Emperor of America, may His reign be happy and glorious," was answered by a broadside from Admiral Decatur's fleet, for the Dey had been tolerating acts of piracy upon American commerce. But none of these examples of interference could be quoted as exceptions to the rule of non-intervention. On several occasions the operations of the Monroe Doctrine have seemingly led the United States to swerve from this same policy; but in those instances there was the reason of jeopardy to American interests reasons sufficient to exclude those acts of threatened belligerency from the category of wilful and useless meddling.

The Samoan affair, indeed, marks the beginning of a new epoch in the history of American foreign relations. Commenting thereon, Mr. Gresham, the Secretary of State, in a report to the President, May 9, 1894, said:

This duty is especially important [of reviewing the facts of the case], since it is in our relations to Samoa that we have made the first departure from our traditional and well-established policy of avoiding entangling alliances with foreign powers in relation to objects remote from this hemisphere. Like all other human transactions, the wisdom of that departure must be tested by its fruits. If the departure was justified, there must be some evidence of detriment suffered before its adoption, or of advantage since gained, to demonstrate the fact. If no such evidence can be found, we are confronted with the serious responsibility of having, without sufficient grounds, imperiled a policy which is not only coeval with our Government, but to which may, in great measure, be ascribed the peace, the prosperity, and the moral influence of the United States. Every nation, and especially every strong nation, must sometimes be conscious of an impulse to rush into difficulties that do not concern it, except in a highly imaginary way. To restrain the indulgence of such a propensity is not only the part of wisdom, but a duty we owe to the world as an example of the strength, the moderation, and the beneficence of popular government.

Whether or not the signing of the treaty of Berlin in relation to the Samoan matter actually planted the seed of a new political religion must be left to individual opinion, yet the fact is certain that since the making of that treaty in 1889, a "new school," advocating a more generous foreign policy, has sprung into existence. Supporters of an aggressive foreign policy argue that conditions have changed, and that the United States, being no longer a fledgling among nations, must assume its proper share of responsibility in furthering the common welfare of mankind.

I

The term "Samoa" is applied to a group of twelve small islands whose combined area scarcely exceeds that of Rhode Island. It is one of the many island systems of Polynesia, which, like constellations upon a map of the heavens, dot the Southern Pacific chart, converting that vast region into a veritable island world. The position of this particular group is approximately between latitudes 13-15 south, and longitudes 168-173 west, and it lies upon the direct route taken by vessels from Western American ports which ply via Honolulu to the Australasian colonies. The principal port, in fact the only port worthy the name, is Apia, situated on the island of Upolu. At that point foreign mercantile interests in the archipelago centre, and there for many years the consular representatives of several countries resided.

The islands are of volcanic origin, and rise boldly from the sea, the isolated mountain-tops of a great submerged range. From summit to coral-fringed base, they are blessed with luxuriant tropical vegetation, and charm the eye with surpassing loveliness.

The central position of the group, with its fine climate and the amiable character of its people, attracted many wanderers to its shores. In the earlier part of the century Samoa was visited by a few roving traders who came to barter their calico prints and cheap baubles for copra and tortoise shell. Numerous adventurers of a recognized South Sea type, mostly escaped convicts from Australia,

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deserters from ships, and the nondescript ne'er-do-wells who infested the Pacific islands in the earlier days, drifted in the course of their wanderings to Samoa. They came from time to time, either for gain or adventure, or else to escape the consequences of crimes committed in more civilized parts of the world. At that early day in the far-away haven of the Central Pacific, retribution followed slowly the misdeeds of men. Missionaries came and found in Samoa a congenial field. Whalers from New Bedford and Sydney touched at the islands for fresh supplies, and to enjoy a period of revelry. Those are recorded by South Sea chroniclers as the romantic days of the small trader and the ubiquitous "beach-comber," the days of native simplicity and welcome that preceded the modern period of organized commercial enterprise. With German, English, and American trading firms soliciting business upon the islands, Samoa entered upon an era of foreign interference and arrogance, -an era of mischievous political plots and counter-plots, of bitter jealousies and war. The Samoans then discovered that the white men, whom they had revered as superior beings, were morally no better than themselves, if, indeed, they were quite as good. The natives were wholly disenchanted when they found at last that the white man's anxious solicitude for their welfare was a negative charity based on greed. Finally the Samoans realized that they must accept willy-nilly the invincible white strangers who had settled among them, and whom they could never drive

away.

As early as 1850, England, Germany, and the United States were represented by commercial agents in Apia; and in 1854 the great South Sea trading firm of Godeffroy and Company, of Hamburg, a chartered monopoly, established itself upon Upolu. For many years thereafter the history of Samoa was the history of this well-organized trading company. Under the able leadership of its first manager, Theodore Weber, who, it appears, was both chief of the firm and German Consul, the company prospered marvellously. By a mortgage system admitting of skilful manipulation of titles, which was quite

beyond the native understanding, large tracts of land fell to the company's portion, and these were industriously converted into plantations of cocoanuts. The methods of Godeffroy and Company, from a purely commercial point of view, have been denounced as unscrupulous, but the testimony of rivals should be carefully weighed. One must also bear in mind that the honor line is exceedingly hard to trace in all dealings of civilized with semi-civilized peoples. In course of time rival American and English trading concerns sprang into existence at Apia. Fierce competition between these companies, where the volume of business could scarcely support one, often induced their zealous managers to adopt unfair methods for the purpose of gaining native favor and trade. The efforts of the three consuls, who were usually strongly prepossessed in favor of their kinsmen, to protect the traders of their own nationality, led to many official blunders. Several hundred foreigners-principally German, English, and American resided at Apia. The jealous competition of the traders reacted upon these, and each partisan faction espoused with intense enthusiasm the cause of its own nationality. Seemingly incapable of regulating their own affairs within the municipality of Apia, the sterner interference of home governments was often invoked, for the purpose of restoring order where chaos reigned. Commercial rivalry ripened into national jealousy, and all within the confines of a mile of ocean beach. When the situation at Apia became hopelessly involved, and wholly beyond the possibility of local adjustment, England, Germany and the United States took the matter in hand. Therein lay the motive of Samoa's woes, and the perplexing problem of her relief. Therein also lay the causes of the United States' abandonment of her timehonored policy of non-interference.

The native Samoans are generous, emotional, amiable in disposition, of pleasing and even courtly manners, and much given to ceremony and merriment. There is much of good and little of evil in them. They are willing to kill white men only because white men kill them. Nature has so fully responded to their simple wants that they are inclined to

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indolence and easy enjoyment of nature's bounty. They possessed no real property in fee. A political economy based upon communal ideas weakens the incentive to acquire large private wealth, hence it was difficult for the "government to tax its subjects. Their own system of government was essentially of the patriarchal type. Every community or clan had a "royal" family, the chieftainship being hereditary as to the family, but elective as to the individual. When a chief was selected by vote of his neighbors, he was usually dignified by honorific titles. The well-known name of "Malietoa," the "Pleasing Hero," is one of these. measure the chief was a sacred being, of greater influence if he proved popular- than of actual power over his people. His son succeeded to his name and position only when elected to do so. A chief having attained very great popularity or military success might have honorific titles bestowed upon him by clans other than his own; and should he receive in this manner the recognition of five different clans, he was considered the Supreme or Highest Chief, and accorded kingly honors. The idea of royalty, as understood in Europe, seems rather to have been a foreign innovation in the islands.

When Samoa became a treaty-making power, the necessity for a stronger central government with a definite and responsible head was felt. The step from a patriarchal form of government was easily taken under the tutelage of the whites, but true conceptions of a king apparently never sank deeply into the Samoan consciousness. To revolt against the de facto king because he had enjoyed an inning of several years and should therefore give other worthy men a chance to realize their ambitions, was entirely proper and legitimate according to Samoan custom. The people therefore had little idea of "government," as understood by modern civilized nations, and consequently a strong central power levying taxes and actually enforcing judicial decrees was not properly comprehended. The Samoans were unable to appreciate the utility of contract obligations; they rejoiced in peace, but tribal disturbances were more or less frequent