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throughout the islands. The white man was given the heartiest welcome, and has never since found an enemy among the Samoans, except when his own misdeeds have driven the simple natives to desperate retaliation.

II

Previous to the year 1872 no interest whatever in the United States attached to these distant islands. They were of neither political nor commercial importance. In that year, however, Admiral Meade, who was cruising about the Central Pacific in the U. S. S. Narragansett, entered into an agreement, quite upon his own authority, with a certain chief on the Samoan island of Tutuila, whereby the local chief granted to the United States the exclusive privilege of establishing a naval and coaling station in the harbor of Pago-Pago. In return for this favor the chief expected the friendship, and if need be the protection, of the United States. The value of a coaling station in that locality was appreciated, especially in the event of the completion of an. isthmian canal. When Admiral Meade's agreement with the chief reached Washington, the Senate hesitated to sanction the "friendship and protection" part of the bargain, and no action was taken upon the matter. Soon after this (1873), having been urged by "certain highly respectable persons" who represented to the government the importance of the growing trade between the United States and the South Sea Islands, President Grant sent Col. A. B. Steinberger as United States Commissioner to Samoa, with instructions to make a full report concerning the conditions, commercial possibilities and general importance of the islands.

A report was soon made, and Mr. Steinberger was again invested with authority (1874) to revisit the islands for the purpose of "observing and reporting upon Samoan affairs, and impressing those in authority there with the lively interest which we take in their happiness and welfare." Instead of returning at once to Samoa to carry out the object of his

mission, it is alleged that Mr. Steinberger proceeded directly to Hamburg, and there entered into contract relations with the president of the great trading firm of Godeffroy and Company, pledging himself to their interests. Mr. Steinberger, who seems therefore to have become an adventurer, and unfaithful to his trust, proceeded thence to Samoa under the mask of United States Commissioner, but in reality to carry out the terms of his Godeffroy contract. He arrived in Samoa in the early part of 1875, and devoted his energies to the interests of his new business. He soon became involved in Samoan politics. Internal dissensions convulsed the islands, the primary cause of disturbance being the rivalry of two members of one family, who claimed each the coveted title of "Malietoa." Under a new form of government, but recently adopted, Malietoa Laupepa, the “king” was in retirement, and the country was ruled by Councils of State. Mr. Steinberger gained great favor among the natives; and with the aid of some other white men, who were in sympathy with his projects, he prevailed upon the Samoans so to alter their constitution that Malietoa Laupepa should become, for a limited number of years, the recognized king, and he, Steinberger, should be made Prime Minister. While acting in such a capacity, he represented to the Samoans that their islands were under the protection of the United States.

In course of time rumors of this condition of affairs reached Washington, and Congress speedily called for information in relation to Steinberger, his mission and his powers, which resulted (May, 1876) in the Senate's repudiating any considerations of a United States' protectorate over Samoa, and disavowing all interference in Samoan domestic concerns. In the meantime, however, a British war vessel happened along, and the enemies of Steinberger took the opportunity of having that reputed adventurer seized and deported. By the same movement, Malietoa, the king, was dethroned and held prisoner. Instantly the islands blazed into war, and the vacant throne became a prize for several contending chiefs. The prospect of never ending tumult which followed the downfall of Steinberger (encouraged by the interference of

several rival foreign factions in Apia), finally induced the Samoans to pray for an English protectorate over their distracted country. When the fact became known to the foreigners in Apia, the German and American representatives and residents were greatly alarmed. For once they forgot their commercial rivalries, and acted together, their interests being united in a common cause against English annexation. With the connivance of the German Consul, as is supposed, the American commercial agent at Apia hoisted his flag over the city, and proclaimed a United States protectorate. A similar occurrence took place a year later, when an English commissioner arrived at Apia for the purpose of extorting certain treaty concessions from the king. Upon this occasion English persuasion was rendered the more potent by a squad, of marines from a vessel lying in the harbor; and the American flag was again hoisted by the agent over the government building, in order to proclaim to the world, and especially to the British commissioner, that any treaties relative to Samoa should be made in Washington. Both of these somewhat hasty acts were disavowed.

The efforts made by the natives for English annexation proved unsuccessful, and the disappointed chiefs returned from their mission abroad only to find the land still in the throes of civil war. Encouraged by the flag-raising propensities of the American Consul, they turned to the United States, in the hope of finding relief in an American protectorate. Mamea, a high chief, proceeded to Washington (1877), but there he found no disposition on the part of the authorities to depart from a policy that opposed all entangling alliances with foreign nations. The generous offer of his realm was declined by the President, but the object of his mission to the United States was not wholly defeated. He concluded a treaty in Washington, January 16, 1878, whereby the United States was granted "the privilege of entering and using the port of Pago-Pago, and establishing therein and on the shores thereof, a station for coal and other naval supplies 2; the treaty further guaranteed, that thereafter Samoa would "neither exercise nor authorize any juris

diction within said port adverse to such rights of the United States, or restrictive thereof." In return for these concessions it was provided in the treaty, that: —

If, unhappily, any differences should have arisen, or should hereafter arise between the Samoan Government and any other government in amity with the United States, the Government of the latter will employ its good offices for the purpose of adjusting these differences upon a satisfactory and solid foundation.

This treaty was made by the United States more in the desire not to appear wholly indifferent to the friendly advances of the Samoans than for any importance it attached to Samoa, or advantage to be gained by close political or commercial relations with her. It was indeed felt by many that the mere offer to use friendly offices in case of difficulty was a rash promise that might some day call for fulfilment, especially as Germany, with her preponderance of commercial interests in the islands, would probably sooner or later seek forcibly to acquire the group.

The Samoans, however, proceeded to make treaties of similar character the following year with England and Germany, granting to each exclusive rights in certain harbors for naval and coaling stations. In the case of the German treaty the Samoans were far more generous, through coercion it is said, and granted to the energetic German representative certain concessions that appeared to be incompatible with the favored nation clause in the American treaty. This fact excited some feeling of displeasure, which was no doubt more keenly felt in the American consulate at Apia than in the State Department at Washington. To American citizens in Samoa it suggested imposition on the part of Germany, and convinced them of Germany's intention to secure a grasp upon the islands that would lead to ultimate annexation. There can be little doubt had Germany then made a coup d'état, and formally seized the islands with a graceful recognition of American and English rights in their respective harbors, the world would not have been profoundly moved or the United States greatly shocked. But the American Consul, who hoped for an

American Samoa, became alarmed by the evidences of German intrigue, and he decided it to be his duty to thwart Teutonic ambition in the island. The breach between the United States and Germany in Samoa was thus begun, and English subjects in Apia took sides with the Americans against the greater rival.

Civil dissensions between various native factions continued unabated throughout the year 1878. The followers of Malietoa Telavu and the adherents to the old régime of the "Councils of the Chiefs" took to the bush, Samoan fashion, to glare at each other over their rude fortifications, to brandish fiercely their arms and to fill the forests with their warcries. It was during this long period of strife that the foreigners in Apia for their own safety obtained from both warring factions the recognition of a strip of territory, including the municipality of Apia, as neutral and sacred from all hostile attack. Over this tract of land the three nations, which were in treaty relations with Samoa, were authorized to exercise the rights of extra-territoriality. In regard to the native wars, the three consuls in Apia proclaimed officially the strictest neutrality; but notwithstanding their determination to hold aloof from any participation in the troubled affairs of Samoa, their languishing trade interests compelled them to intervene. In the light of later Samoan

history, it is not a little remarkable that all three consuls, backed by the concurrent opinions of several naval captains in the harbor, were enabled to unite in the selection of Malietoa Telavu as the ruler of Samoa. They thereupon threw the weight of their influence in his favor. Desultory fighting continued, nevertheless, for over a year, when peace was finally restored only by the interposition of Captain Deinhart of the German cruiser Bismarck.

Though peace had been accomplished by no less vigorous measures than a bombardment of native villages, Samoan politics continued in a most unsettled condition. The three consuls decided to take a still more active part in the management of local affairs, if for nothing more than to insure the stability of the government they had united in establish

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