(e) Circumstances being radically different on these continents, it is impossible that the allied powers should extend their political systems into either of them without endangering our peace and happiness; therefore it is impossible that we should behold such interposition with indifference.

Barring the first statement in regard to colonization, which expressly lays down a principle for future guidance, the declaration was a defensive measure, directed against the threatened interference of the European powers constituting the Holy Alliance. There has since been endless discussion as to whether the President intended by these words to establish a principle that should ever afterward be followed by the people of the United States. Whether the President intended this or not, the principles enunciated at that time have frequently been appealed to since, and the "doctrine" itself has been accepted as the corner-stone of America's foreign policy. There can be little doubt, however, that President Monroe had no intention of proclaiming to the world an inviolable principle for all time to come. Being confronted by a definite threat, he met it by a definite statement. He mentions in his message the particular reasons for his opposition to the "Allied Powers," and refers in particular to "these powers" constituting the Holy Alliance, as the object of his attack, because they represent, and seek to perpetuate, a system of government from the evil influences of which we had escaped and the revival of which we regarded with abhorence.

Monroe's biographer, Daniel C. Gilman, says :—

It appears to me probable that Monroe had but little conception of the lasting effect which his words would produce. . . . It was because he pronounced not only the opinion then prevalent, but a tradition of other days, which had been gradually expanded, that his words carried with them the sanction of public law.

The message was received in the United States with feelings of deepest satisfaction. The danger had been squarely met, and the people were relieved in the knowledge that the President could be depended upon to act properly should the anticipated crisis occur. The spirit of the doctrine had been

struggling for expression for a number of years, and, in voicing it, the President touched a chord which vibrated in every American heart. From all political parties the administration received the warmest commendation, while a most friendly feeling made itself apparent throughout the United States toward England, which had now become a silent political partner. In England that portion of the message which related to interference in America on the part of the allied powers of Europe was enthusiastically received, and the English press was fulsome in its praise of President Monroe. The British Government felt relieved of a burden by the positive attitude of the United States. The message had come at a most opportune moment; the allies were pressing Great Britain to meet them in convention at Paris, with a view of settling the Spanish-American question. Mr. Canning, though hesitating to isolate his country from the rest of Europe, knew that the proposed settlement would be unsatisfactory to England. Mr. Monroe's message relieved the situation and settled the matter in just the way Great Britain desired. Canning afterward boasted, "I called the New World into existence to redress the balance of the Old."

The other part of the message, relating to colonization, was not so acceptable to Great Britain. There being at that time much uncertainty as to the extent and ownership of unoccupied land in the great Northwest, Canning maintained that England "could not acknowledge the right of any power to proclaim such a principle, much less to bind other countries to the observance of it. If we were to be repelled from the shores of America, it would not matter to us whether that repulsion were effected by the Ukase of Russia, excluding us from the sea, or by the new doctrine of the President, prohibiting us from the land. But we cannot yield obedience to either." The declaration was "very extraordinary"; one which His Majesty's Government was "prepared to combat in the most unequivocal manner." The right of colonization was one that, as heretofore, may be exercised without affording the slightest umbrage to the United States."

The powers of Continental Europe were surprised and indignant; Monroe was a dictator of the worst character, while the United States was an upstart nation, that maintained unwarrantable pretensions, and sought to establish wholly inadmissible principles in contempt of the civilized nations of the world. The declaration of this presumptuous people should be resisted by all powers possessing interests in the Western Hemisphere. But just back of the outstretched wings of the noisy American eagle, France and Russia believed they detected the British lion. If England had, after all, joined the allies in their schemes, it is much to be doubted whether the President's message of 1823 would have seriously embarrassed them in the ultimate perfection of their Spanish American plans; but the realization that Great Britain, with her powerful navy, endorsed, in the main, the sentiments of President Monroe, cast a gloom over the propagandists of divine right, and the great South American project was abandoned.

Although the Colombian Congress resolved that the doctrine of the North American President was "an act eminently just and worthy of the classic land of liberty," the message does not seem to have been welcomed with loud acclaim in South America. Events following soon after convinced the people of Spanish America - suspicious by nature, and at heart distrustful of the Anglo-Saxon - that the United States did not intend to uphold the doctrine, and that if it were meant as a promise of protection to them, it was false.

Soon after the reading of the President's annual message, Henry Clay, Speaker of the House of Representatives, caused to be introduced the following resolution:

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the people of these states would not see, without serious inquietude, any forcible intervention by the allied Powers of Europe, in behalf of Spain, to reduce to their former subjection those parts of the continent of America which have proclaimed and established for themselves, respectively, independent governments, and which have been solemnly recognized by the United States.

This attempt to place the seal of Congressional approval upon the Monroe Doctrine, and give it thereby a more authoritative character, failed in less than two months after its enunciation by the executive. Several reasons have been assigned for this failure; one is, that Congress considered the alleged threats of the allies as empty vaporings, unworthy of notice; another is, that members of Congress, believing the danger to be past, were unwilling, in the absence of clear evidence of hostile intentions from abroad, to lay down a principle so wide and sweeping in its character, and one that might possibly be regarded by friendly nations as offensive. Still another reason is advanced why Mr. Clay's resolution was consigned to the table. Mr. Clay was well known to be a candidate for the presidency. His strength was great throughout the South and the West, and his influence as Speaker in the House was a powerful one. John Quincy Adams also was looking in the same direction as Mr. Clay; General Jackson was a possible candidate, and the same may be said of Calhoun. The "Monroe Doctrine" carried within it the elements of unbounded popularity; its champion in Congress might become a political hero. The opponents of Clay therefore combined against him, and he found himself in the awkward attitude of fathering a measure which was doomed in advance. He yielded to necessity, and consented to the shelving of his resolution.

Mr. Poinsett of South Carolina also moved a similar resolution, which met the same fate, but political jealousy can hardly be charged for the failure of Mr. Poinsett's motion.

In his last annual message to Congress, the following year (December 7, 1824), President Monroe again took occasion to reaffirm the policy announced in his previous message.

Separated as we are from Europe by the great Atlantic Ocean, we can have no concern in the ways of the European Governments nor in the causes which produce them. The balance of power between them, into whichever scale it may turn in its various vibrations, cannot affect us. It is the interest of the United States to preserve the most friendly relations with every power and on conditions fair, equal, and applicable to all. But

in regard to our neighbors our situation is different. It is impossible for the European governments to interfere in their concerns, especially in those alluded to, which are vital, without affecting us; indeed, the motive which might induce such interference in the present state of the war between the parties, if a war it may be called, would appear to be equally applicable to us. It is gratifying to know that some of the powers with whom we enjoy a very friendly intercourse, and to whom these views have been communicated, have appeared to acquiesce in them. . ..

An occasion was about to be presented to the United States Government which would indicate the extent to which the country was willing to go in pledging its material support to the Monroe Doctrine. In the negotiations and debates relative to an invitation from the South American states to send delegates to a general Congress of the Americas, every shade of sentiment touching the Monroe Doctrine is found. So widely divergent were opinions in Congress upon this subject, that the doctrine, after running the gantlet of the Senate and House, emerged sadly disfigured. But in these debates, as with Clay's resolution, a series of political considerations became involved. The reluctance of Congress on this occasion to endorse the policy was, after all, scarcely a test of popular sentiment on the subject.

VI. PANAMA CONGRESS

Simon Bolivar was the Washington of South America. It was his voice that stirred the people to patriotic ardor; it was his martial skill that brought them victory, and won for them the prizes of liberty. His statue adorns the public squares of South American cities; his memory is revered from Panama to Buenos Ayres; he is declared to be the hero, the liberator of South America. At his instance, the states of Colombia in 1822 (then New Granada) began making treaties of alliance, offensive and defensive, with other South American states, whose independence from Spain had been practically won. In that and the following year, the