voting age numbering 280,340, there are only 5,204 colored voters. The colored people apparently do not care for the climate of Connecticut. The great mass of the illiterates of this State consists of white people. There are but 719, out of the whole number of colored citizens, who do not read or write. On the other hand, there are 18,265 illiterate whites of voting age. This latter figure is almost unexplainable, as Connecticut is one of the oldest States, and has had, presumably, an excellent common-school system. Out of 280,000 men of voting age, 22,000 were apparently ruled out on account of restrictions concerning the right of suffrage. Article 29 of the State Constitution, adopted in October, 1897, provides that every person shall be able to read in the English language any article of the Constitution or any section of the statutes of the States before being admitted as an elector. Only 181,000 availed themselves of their political rights at the last Presidential election. It is quite difficult to understand this, as one would have expected from the political situation in Connecticut that all her citizens would take an interest in the outcome of the election.

We have briefly considered the situation in four States - two in the South, one in the West, and one in the Northeast so far as restrictions obtain limiting suffrage. At least three Northern States have passed stringent laws. Alabama is about to enact similar legislation. Arkansas has none, except the payment of a poll tax. Virginia is just now changing her Constitution, and the question of suffrage excites great interest.

It is a fortunate thing that we are able to give the actual figures concerning the very interesting conditions involved in the whole plan of suffrage at this particular time. It is well that the discussion should go on, and that the whole country should realize that while attempts are being made in certain Southern States to limit the privilege of exercising the ballot, the same end has already been obtained in some Northern Commonwealths. Another very important fact to be gathered from the statistics published by the census bureau is the large number of people who are entitled to avail themselves of their political privileges and who fail to do so. It is evident that the spur should be used to induce people to take advantage of the rights accorded them under the Constitution.

The population of negroes throughout the entire country has increased practically in the same ratio as the white population, there being 8,840,789 as against 7,488,788 in the year 1890. The growth is a trifle over eighteen per cent. So it can be readily seen that the racial question is likely to be with us for years to come; for there is not the

slightest probability that the negro will occupy an unimportant place in our civilization. What to do with him is the problem.

The training of the school is of course a valuable factor so far as his future is concerned. The data thus far gained are a sufficient evidence that literacy among the colored race has made quite an appreciable increase during the last decade. For example, in Alabama 72.2 per cent of the colored people were illiterate in 1890, and in 1900 the number was reduced to 59.5 per cent; in Virginia the reduction was approximately a little over fourteen per cent; in Mississippi it was the same. Throughout the five States in the South containing the largest aggregate population the average reduction was about thirteen per cent, showing a hopeful gain in the number of those who can read and write. These facts have an important bearing upon the question of suffrage in the principal Southern States, for the reason that in most Commonwealths the educational qualification is a usual one, thus indicating that in the decades to come the colored man, by reason of his rudimentary instruction, will have more or less to say concerning the conditions of government.

The question as to just what occupation seems to be best adapted to the negro of the future is open to discussion. While the school system gives him many advantages in the way of a higher standing among his fellowmen, it is debatable whether he can put them to any practical use in the way of gaining a livelihood, save in so far as he utilizes his ability to read and write. There does not appear to be much opening for him in the field of clerical work, social distinctions making it impossible to give him the fullest opportunities in this direction. The suggestion made by Mr. Booker T. Washington, that he learn the trades, would apparently be the most practical solution of this vexing question. The colored man can be a good carpenter, a good stone-cutter, a good builder, and a good machinist; and from any one of these sources he can obtain a respectable livelihood. There seems to be really no satisfactory solution of this most complex, and at the same time interesting, problem in our social life, time apparently being needed to determine what results may be finally accomplished. WILLIAM R. MERRIAM.

30

RECIPROCITY AND FOREIGN TRADE.

THE great increase in the products of manufactures in the United States and the need of new markets in which to dispose of the surplus have brought into unusual prominence the subject of reciprocity. This means of extending trade received the approval of the Republican National Conventions in 1896 and in 1900. President McKinley appointed the Hon. John A. Kasson as a Special Commissioner to negotiate treaties for this purpose. Mr. Kasson succeeded in making limited reciprocal arrangements, not requiring further action by Congress, with France, Portugal, Italy, and Germany. These arrangements are now in effect. They were authorized under Section 3 of the Dingley tariff law. Section 4 of the same act provides for the negotiation of reciprocity treaties to be ratified by the Senate and "approved by Congress." Under that section Mr. Kasson negotiated treaties with Great Britain for the British West Indies, with Denmark for the Island of St. Croix, and also with France, the Argentine Republic, Nicaragua, the Dominican Republic, and Ecuador. Pourparlers took place with Germany and Russia, but the negotiation of treaties with those two countries awaits the action of the Senate on the French treaty; Mr. Kasson having stated that if this treaty is not approved "it will be vain to attempt any others in Europe."

In the meantime there has been a growing agitation on the subject. President McKinley, in his last speech at Buffalo, made strong declarations in favor of reciprocity treaties, thus bringing the question into great prominence. Numerous commercial bodies throughout the country have declared in favor of such treaties, and the National Association of Manufacturers called a convention to consider the matter. President Roosevelt, when taking the oath of office, declared his purpose "to continue absolutely unbroken the policy of President McKinley," a declaration which commits him, if not to the Kasson treaties, at least to that method of extending trade and opening new markets.

Some conception of the need of new markets may be gained from the census statistics of our national growth since 1870. The census of

that year showed an increase in the population, as compared with 1860, of 22.23 per cent. The gross value of manufactures in 1870 was $3,385,000,000, an increase of seventy-nine per cent over 1860. Ten years later, in 1880, the population had increased 30.8 per cent, while the increase in the gross value of manufactures was fifty-eight per cent, the total being $5,349,000,000. The next census, that of 1890, showed an increase in population of 24.86 per cent, and an increase in the gross value of manufactures of sixty-nine per cent, the total reaching the sum of $9,056,000,000. The increase in the population reported by the census of 1900 was twenty-one per cent, while that in the gross value of manufactures, so far as the returns have been made up, was about fifty-four per cent. The gross value of manufactured products in 1900 will not vary far from $13,000,000,000. The figures for the whole country will not be complete for some time yet, but they were complete for many of the States at the time this article was written. There is a large amount of duplication in the census returns of the gross value of products, owing to the fact that partially manufactured products which become the raw materials of ultimate products are counted more than once. The amount of this duplication, however, was proportionately the same at each census, so that the figures are correct for comparative purposes. This duplication will be eliminated for the first time in the final figures of the twelfth census, and the net products will, of course, be very much less than the gross products.

But for the purpose of comparison the gross products are properly used and show the stupendous proportions of our national growth in production. In the same time that the population increased 98.54 per cent, the value of the products of manufactures increased 260 per cent. Consumption has increased with the growing prosperity of the nation, but is far behind the increase in the products. Hence the pressing need of additional markets. For instance, the flour mills in the United States have the capacity to manufacture into flour in the period of eight months all the wheat grown in this country in a year; and yet in the last fiscal year 102,000,000 bushels of wheat were exported. The cotton mills in the United States can produce in eight months all the cotton goods that this country consumes in twelve months. Such facts as these demonstrate the absolute need of foreign markets. of the tariff does not provide additional markets. That was amply demonstrated under the Wilson tariff act. One of the great advantages claimed for that law by its authors was that it would greatly increase our exports. But the exports under the McKinley tariff law in the fis

A reduction

cal year of 1892 were $147,671,210 greater than were the exports under the Wilson act in 1896, just before the election of Mr. McKinley as President. Reducing the tariff to increase the foreign trade of the country, particularly in the matter of exports, proved a disastrous experiment, while at the same time it brought about a large decrease in home consumption as a result of the closing of mills and the enforced idleness of an army of workmen. The passage of the Dingley law increasing duties led to an enormous increase in the exports, which were $577,846,871 greater in the fiscal year of 1901 than in the fiscal year of 1896. There was a similar increase in exports after the passage of the McKinley act, which also increased duties, up to the time that the silver question and the probable repeal of the law, the result of an election, interfered with business. Exports are not increased by a reduction of duties which injures home industries.

The method of extending trade by reciprocity treaties has apparently grown greatly in public favor of late. There does not seem to be a very clear conception of what is precisely meant by reciprocity, which may account for the singular fact that both the advocates and the opponents of the protective tariff are advocating such treaties. For instance, the Republican State Convention in Iowa and the Democratic State Convention in Massachusetts both declared in favor of reciprocity treaties; and these treaties are advocated by both Republican and Democratic newspapers. Free-trade journals assert that reciprocity is either free trade under another name or is a step in the direction of free trade, but these assertions are resented by the advocates of the tariff. Both are in a measure right. It depends on the nature of the treaties. What are known as the Blaine reciprocity treaties - technically only agreements

negotiated under the authority of the McKinley law, did not lessen in any degree the protection afforded home industries by that act; but some of the Kasson treaties, negotiated under the authority of the Dingley law, provide for a reduction of rates which lessens the protection given, whether needed or not, to home industries. That accounts for the fact that those treaties have not been ratified by the Republican Senate. The Republicans were all satisfied with the Blaine reciprocity agreements. But the latter were unceremoniously abrogated by the Democrats, when they came into power under President Cleveland's second administration. The Kasson treaties have met with strong opposition in the Republican party, and with Democratic approval in proportion to Republican disapproval. The Democrats who approve those treaties believe, as a rule, that they are so many steps in the