Not one of these classes touches any of the manufactures turned out by our looms, knitting frames, dye houses, or print works. The total imports of cloth are worth approximately $6,000,000, about three fourths being composed of fine colored and printed fabrics, and one fourth of white fine yarn goods, which by their evenness of texture and softness of finish recommend themselves, as do the colored goods, to the developed taste of our shopping critics. You may induce them to purchase goods of American make by the roundabout means of higher technical and artistic development in production, but not by appeals to their patriotism.

Knit goods are chiefly imported from Germany. The French imports are of trifling amounts, and consist mostly of fine knit underwear, while the German imports are made up of hose and half-hose, fashioned and "regular made," which we have never yet produced satisfactorily. It is out of the question to speak of embroideries and laces as among the possibilities of production by our home industries. Nor can any such assertion be made of what is included under the heading "all other goods." A large proportion of the latter class is composed of velvets, plushes, etc. The rest consists of articles that cater more or less to fashion nouveautés, fancy articles, trimmings, cord, tassels, etc. Imports of articles such as these are increased when times are prosperous, and decreased under reverse conditions.

Similar conditions determine the trade in silk goods. The concern about the reduction of 5 per cent in the proposed treaty is quite unnecessary. The imports of silk goods from France during the calendar year 1900 were valued at $14,360,318. "It is clear," according to the writer of the article in THE FORUM for December, "that these imports would be largely increased by a reduction of duties." A little discrimination would show the unreasonableness of this argument. Of the silk imports from France in the fiscal year 1900, not more than $7,104,208 were dress and piece goods. This amount is composed of goods which are hautes nouveautés, or which are imported on account of their higher qualities in finish, color, and design. Their importation depends on fashion and the buying capacity of our people, exclusively. In the three years 1895, 1896, and 1897, i.e., before the Dingley tariff increasing duties on silks through the medium of specific duties went into effect, the average yearly imports in piece goods were but $2,449,000. This shows conclusively that our imports of silk goods from France cannot possibly be increased on account of this paltry reduction. A lowering of duties would have to reach many times the proposed 5 per cent

in order to affect importations in cheap goods. Plain silks and taffetas are produced here at nearly as low a price as abroad. They are inferior in finish and color. A remedy for this would be quickly found if competition with foreign countries drove our manufacturers to greater exertions a thing not so likely to occur while we persist in the policy of the dog in the manger.

The cut proposed in gloves is 10 per cent. now imported from France is $3.50 per dozen.

The duty on the class
An abatement of 35

cents would only partly affect the gloves we get from Germany. The French gloves are of a higher class. France, however, could put herself in a position to produce an article to compete with the quality sent to us from Germany, and the reduction granted to her might then injure German trade. But Germany would have to get the same advantages, otherwise she would put into effect Section VIII of her proposed tariff, which will be undoubtedly passed. We cannot incur the risk of having her double all duties against us. The advantage to France of these reductions is illusory. The injury to our glove makers, however, would be as unreal as in the other instances cited. We make men's gloves, and import ladies' gloves. All our endeavors have not enabled us to make a success of the manufacture of ladies' kid gloves, which are imported all the time in steadily recurring amounts.

France has a particular advantage in the manual skill of her working classes, which is apparent in every article produced by individual manipulation. Knowing her advantage she perseveres in her traditional methods. We ought to welcome imports from that country. The aid their example gives us in developing the taste that creates our crude products is of the greatest benefit to us. That the 5, 10, or even 20 per cent reductions proposed could injure the American producer would be regarded as inconceivable, if the relative character of the various products going under the same name were not an entirely unknown quantity in the minds of those who have so far taken part in the discussion of these questions.

The treaty which has given most concern, next to that with France, is that with Argentina. The reduction of 20 per cent in sugar duties would be a gift, pure and simple, to the sugar trust, and would not affect the consumer at all. The case would not be different with the reduction on hides. The benefit would all be reaped by the leather trust. We draw hides from almost every trading country, and most of these countries are in a position to retaliate upon us if we do not extend the same conditions to them all. Any doubts on the subject would be

quickly dispelled by the action of Germany. Sugar and hides stand upon the same level in this respect.

Wool is another formidable subject of contention. But it must be remembered that we do not import from Argentina much of the fine wool which gives our political shepherds most concern. Most of our imports of fine wool are of Australian growth.' The reason is simple, though not suspected by the critics. Australian merino wool shrinks. from 50 to 52 per cent in scouring; Argentine wool about 62 per cent. The duty, however, is 11 cents a pound, whether four or two pounds of greasy wool are required to produce one pound of clean wool. Reckoning the tariff duty on the basis of clean wool, we have to pay 22 cents duty for a pound of Australian wool and 27 cents for the same weight of Argentina wool. The reduction would only bring the duty on Argentina wool to the level of that on Australian wool. It would not remove the more desirable qualities inherent in Australian wool. Accordingly, it would benefit neither the American consumer nor the Argentine producer.

Similar strictures may be passed upon the reciprocity arrangements entered into with Barbadoes, Jamaica, and British Guiana. The reduction would affect produce which we import in much larger quantities from other parts of the West Indies, and from South and Central America. The advantages expected to be gained by our consumers would be reaped by our combines of middlemen, and would be neutralized in regard to the present treaty-making countries if all other countries obtained the same concessions by means of reciprocity treaties from us. They certainly have at their disposal the means to secure equal terms.

If we look at the other side of the table, we see the same Barmecide feast spread. Barring 19 articles out of a total of 651 enumerations contained in the French law, we are to receive the benefits of the minimum tariff rates in return for our concessions. This seems to have made a deep impression on those who urge the confirmation of the treaties. A careful examination must lead to different conclusions. I will state briefly the chief obstructions in the path of our glorious expectations: (1) There is no minimum rate on breadstuffs, and none on provisions such as France draws from us, like lard, salted or other hog products, etc. (2) In textiles only cotton fabrics of the heavier class are exportable by us. But on these the French duties are prohibitive, and would be so no less were the duty that is of an average of 50 per

'In the fiscal year 1901 the imports of class I wool of Argentine growth were 3,886,376 lbs., and of Australasian growth 22,570,030 lbs.

cent reduced to average 40 per cent as the minimum tariff prescribes. (3) Copper and petroleum cover a great part of our dutiable imports by France. These, however, like articles mentioned above (1) could scarcely be imported from other countries. In copper, aside of the question of procurability, exports would scarcely be depending on a reduction in the French duty, now equal to 14 cents a pound, to one of cent, the minimum tariff rate. (4) On manufactured articles, which we are able to export, iron and steel manufactures, machinery, etc., the duties are so low, as has been shown above, that reductions given by the minimum tariff are not of sufficient weight to incline the wavering balance to the side of American would-be sellers.

In saying this I have practically dealt with the whole subject of the other pending treaties also. In some of these treaties we even find now put on the free list articles which have already been there for a long time preceding the reciprocity arrangements. Of this character are implements and tools of agriculture; machinery for mining; apparatus for generating, storing, and conducting electricity, etc. Further, we see duties reduced on goods which could not by any possibility be imported from any other country than the United States. It would be a waste of effort to go into particulars concerning these still-born treaties, even had I the space to do so.

Summing up the matter, we find that the fox invites the crane to a symposium served by him in flat dishes, and the crane retaliates by a feast to the fox served in high jars with narrow necks. The treaties deserve the disdain which they have met. To the reformer, looking for an abatement of burdens, they certainly offer no single feature recommending them to his consideration. They were meant to serve as a sop to Cerberus. Cerberus wants none of it. The party which has descended from its ideals, and become the instrument of trusts, manufacturers' combines, and promoting jobbers, cannot be trusted with a reform which would affect the fortunes of its patrons. The mission belongs to a party which is not hampered by traditions and obligations.

JACOB SCHOENHOF.

OUR HONOR AND CUBA'S NEED.

WHEN General Wood went to Cuba as military Governor he was not at liberty to ignore the course which had been marked out, for better or for worse, by his predecessor. General Brooke had initiated there a policy for the military government of the United States. Moreover, the political situation at home must be taken into the account. The interests of the Republican party demanded the preservation of order in Cuba, at least during the presidential campaign of 1900. A common belief is that, but for this consideration, the Constitutional Convention would not have been summoned at such an early date, the plain fact being that the Cubans were not prepared to take this most important step. It is at least probable that General Wood's hand was forced by instructions representing the best opinion which could be formed at that time in regard to Cuban tendencies and conditions.

Therefore the question of the responsibility of individuals for certain mistakes need not be considered in the present article. My purpose is to point out the opportunity for well-doing in the most important particulars. But one must refer to capital errors with emphasis whenever it is necessary to show them so plainly that there can be no possibility of further misunderstanding. These are things which a warm friend and supporter of the Republican principles trusts that the present Administration will correct, and he will even assume for a moment the standpoint of an unfriendly critic in order to represent views to which our future course should lend no support whatever. An unfriendly critic, then, might say:

By all means let us make such concessions to the Cubans in the matter of the tariff as may be necessary to satisfy them for the present. Shall we say fifty per cent off for all Cuban products imported into the United States, or shall we carefully study the tariff, article by article, and decide in respect to each article what duty will best serve to harmonize the interests of both countries? Really, all such questions of detail are unimportant, because the arrangement is not destined to continue for any great length of time, as the concessions alluded to