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as arbiters. These two arbitrators shall then
Lord Salisbury replied by proposing that select an umpire to whom shall be referred any Salisbury's so much of the treaty as had been question upon which they disagree. To them all Practical agreed upon by both Powers should be
roposale at once made effective without waiting questions, save those affecting honour and integrity,
for agreement upon other points. But to this Mr. may be referred. Britain and the United States
Olney objected, as he was unwilling to agree except to bind themselves to accept their award as final, with
questions materially affecting honour or integrity, unthe exception of questions involving the territory,
less the right of deciding what questions had such an territorial rights, sovereignty, or jurisdiction of efect was formally vested in Parliament on one side either Power, or any pecuniary claim involving a aad Congress on the other. A further attempt was larger sum than £100,000. The arbiters may deal made to come to an agreement by Lord Salisbury, who with all such reserved questions, but only subject proposed that a protested award should be allowed to a right of appeal within three months of their to stand, unless a tribunal of five Supreme Court award, to a joint Court composed of three English Judges of the protesting country should set it aside and three American judges, any two of whom shall for some error of fact or some error in law. Mr. have the right to set the award on one side. If, Olney replied to this by intimating his preference however, it is approved by five to one, or if no pro- for Lord Salisbury's original proposal if it were test is entered by either Power within the three modified, so that instead of the award falling to the months, then the award shall be final. All these ground unless it was proved by a majority of five to arrangements are subject to the provision that one, it should stand, unless it were condemned by a while any question may, by special agreement, he majority of five to one. referred to the arbitrators, no question which in the How to This question of the Court of Appeal, judgment of either Power materially affects its Settle the its constitution, or the majority of honour or the integrity of its territory, shall be controversy. members which may decide questions referred to arbitration excepting by special agree. brought before it, is a matter of detail upon which ment.
it is impossible to doubt an agreement could speedily Mr. Olney replied by accepting the be arrived at, provided the one question which is con
general principle of the two permanent Suggestions. 5
stantly before Lord Salisbury's mind is satisfactorily arbitrators with their umpire, who shall removed from the jurisdiction of the Courts. Lord have absolute power to decide all questions, excepting Salisbury dreads, and rightly dreads, the possibility of those relating to the honour and integrity of the a foreign jurist being authorised to vote away here or country; but he made one objection and one suggestion there all round our coasts what we regard as inseparThe objection was to the somewhat extraordinary able portions of the patrimony of the Empire. Hence proposal of Lord Salisbury, that in all territorial arise all the difficulties which he has made concases any two judges of a joint Court of six should cerning the reference of territorial questions to have the right to set aside the award of the the Tribunal. But Mr. Olney has given him an arbiters. Mr. Olney's alternative was that, wher- opening of which I hope he will be able to take ever the award was not unanimous, either of the prompt advantage. “What territorial controverparties should have the right to appeal to a joint sies,” he asks, “are likely to be raised between Court composed of three American, three English, the United States and Great Britain ?” With the and three learned and impartial jurists, whic, exception of a small corner of Alaska, there are unanimously or by a majority vote, would either affirm no territorial questions at issue between the two the award or make another according as seemed good Governments; “ the objection, therefore, is of a highly in their eyes. The vote of the three learned and fanciful character.” Now in the general Treaty of impartial jurists is only to be taken in case the Court Arbitration drawn up between the United States should be equally divided. The suggestion which and the Central and South American Republics, it Mr. Olney made was that the reservation of questions is expressly stipulated that no question upon which from the Tribunal, because they involved the honour a decision has already been arrived at should be of the nation or the integrity of its territory, should raised before the Tribunal of Arbitration. For be vested, not in the executive Government, but the avoidance of any misunderstanding and the in Congress on one side, and Parliament on the deliverance of Lord Salisbury from the fear he other.
entertains as to the raising of territorial questions,
would it not be a simple and practical solution of the whole time of their incarceration, the privations the difficulty to add a clause to the Arbitration of prison with the liberty which they had lost; but Treaty, providing that neither Power shall raise before as they will now continually contrast the comparathe Arbitral Tribunal any questions as to its right tive luxury of their lot with the dismal privationsover the territories which at the time of the signing of Wormwood Scrubs, they may be congratulated of the Treaty were recognised as their rightful posses- upon the course taken by the authorities. The sions, as shown by maps annexed thereto? Each Power whole trial, especially the austere impartiality and could thereupon secure from the other a definite and judicial severity of the Lord Chief Justice, has final recognition of its right to all the territory now produced a momentary but salutary impression under the Union Jack on the one side and the Stars abroad. “Perfidious Albion” is felt to have vindiand Stripes on the other, and the Arbitral Tribunal cated the majesty of the law and meted out justice would be barred in advance from entertaining any with an even hand. As for Dr. Jameson and his question brought forward by either nation for the friends, I can only wish them as happy and merry a annexation or invasion of the territory of the other; time in Holloway as I passed in the same place unless, at least, that territory was acquired subse- eleven years ago. quently to the date of the signing of the Treaty. In The It is much to be desired, but hardly to be view of many contingencies, it seems to me that the
in expected, that the result of the Parlia
mentary establishment of an international agreement between Inquiry. mentary inquiry which Mr. Chamberlain the two Powers as to the limits of their respective in an evil hour was induced to promise at the territories would be by no means the least part of beginning of this Session, and which now stands the advantage resulting from the signing of such over for fulfilment at the beginning of next, will a Treaty.
terminate in a fashion that redounds equally to the Dr.
At home the chief interest has been credit of the British name. Mr. Rhodes, who is still Jameson's excited by the trial and sentence of Dr. in the heart of rebellious Matabeleland, has offered Conviction. Jameson and his officers. The case was to come home to take his trial if his prosecution heard at bar by the Lord Chief Justice, Baron should be deemed desirable. He will in any case Pollock, and Mr. Justice Hawkins. It is almost have to come home to be examined by the Parliathe first opportunity that Lord Russell has had of mentary Committee. As Dr. Harris and others showing that he has in him the capacity to be as will also be summoned before that tribunal, it is great a judge as he had been an advocate. The probable that the world at large will be enlightened, Attorney-General prosecuted, Sir Edward Clarke though not editied, by the public washing of the defended. All the facts relating to the raid dirty linen of the Imperial factor. It is to be were fully gone into all legal difficulties hoped that events in South Africa will have were brushed on one side, and after a trial taken a course which will render such an inquiry which lasted seven days, the jury found what less harmful than it would be if it were conducted was equivalent to a verdict of guilty against all the at the present moment. In view of the position defendants. The trial was Lord Russell's throughout of things in Rhodesia and in South Africa, the and in his summing-up he pressed the case against childish persistence of the House of Commons in the prisoners with far more damning effect insisting upon inquiring into the origin and circumthan the Attorney-General himself. The jury were stances of the raid, is like nothing so much as that shut up to “yes” or “no” answers to four or five of a meddlesome trifler who will insist upon taking propositions, and by this means a verdict was secured to pieces a Maxim gun, in order to see how it works, against all the defendants. “Dr. Jim” was sentenced at the very moment when a Zulu impi is charging to fifteen months' imprisonment without hard labour, down upon the square. Sir John Willoughby to ten months, and the others The The report of the Cape Commission of to shorter terms of imprisonment.
Imperial Inquiry into the raid comes very near - Nothing in the world reconciles a man actor. the truth, and the whole truth, so far as Mis- to being in prison as a first-class mis- Mr. Rhodes is concerned. Indeed, there is nothing demeanants. demeanant so much as an experience of a more to be found out about Mr. Rhodes. Jr. few days in the ordinary cells as a criminal convict. Schreiner's report of his interview with Mr. Rhodes Had the raiders been first-class misdemeanants from immediately before and immediately after he had the beginning, they would have contrasted, during heard of the raid will be accepted by most people as
absolutely conclusive that Mr. Rhodes, far from ordering the raid, when it took place was most confounded when he heard that Dr. Jim had gone off at half-cock. Seldom has there been a more dramatic scene sent by telegraph than the Schreiner-Rhodes interview. There is only one thing left to be cleared up now in connection with the raid, and that is how it came to pass that Imperialists as loyal and true as Mr. Rhodes and Dr. Jameson ventured to prepare such an enterprise, apparently without any thought as to how their action would be regarded at Downing Street. Hence the Parliamentary inquiry, which is to take place
order, the Government have the unanswerable reply that they have more men there than they can feed already. A line of light railway from Bulawayo would be more useful than an army corps.
Difficult, almost impossible as it seems Socialist to be to induce the English-speaking Congress. communities of the world to unite for the defence of their own interests and the promotion of their own trade, that task is as nothing to the miracle for which the earnest and enthusiastic Socialists who met in London during the last month have been clamouring. The International Congress of Trade Unionists and Socialists met at the Queen's Hall,
next year, will, of necessity, be directed not to the action of the Chartered Company, but to the part played by those, high and low, who represent the Imperial factor in Africa and at home.
The Fighting has been going on in MatabeleRebellion land all the month, but with no decisive
Khodesia. results. The real difficulty with which Rhodesia has to contend is not hostile natives, but the impossibility of obtaining supplies of food, owing to the fact that the rinderpest has killed nine out of every ten oxen which would otherwise have been employed in hauling food north from Mafeking. In reply to the clamour for the despatch of more troops to enable Sir Frederick Carrington to restore
and held several sittings for the purpose of discussing the best methods of inaugurating the Millennium on Socialist lines. As might be expected, when the most earnest and uncompromising idealists in Europe are gathered together under one roof for the purpose of deciding which was the shortest cut to Utopia, the proceedings were neither as quiet nor as orderly as a Quakers' meeting. Several free fights were fought over the question of credentials and the position of the Anarchists' delegates. When it came to the passing of resolutions, the British representatives were frequently outvoted. This was especially the case in regard to the agrarian question. The British minority proposed three approximately practical resolutions, one of which was that an elementary knowledge of agriculture should be taught in all public schools, and that there should be universally established an efficient system of technical education in agriculture. This was rejected. A warm debate took place “ as to whether the Labour party should act independently of all political parties." Ultimately the doctrine of independent action was approved of by a large majority. It is easy to exaggerate the significance of the disorder which takes place in such gatherings. This is but as the dust in the balance, compared with the getting men of all nationalities to come together to discuss as brethren the steps which they think should be taken towards " that far off divine event to which the whole creation moves.” The
While the International Socialists are • Powers holding a stormy debate in London, the
and Crete. International Concert of European Powers is beginning to discover that it will have to reconsider its attitude of abstention in Turkey. The Cretan insurrection refuses to die down, and the Powers are said to be in consultation for the establishment of a naval cordon around the revolted island. Rumours are rife as to a change in the attitude of Russia, which is hoped for, and which may not be unreasonably expected, owing to the ties that unite the Russian and British ruling families. It is very curious to note thedisinclination of many English men to take any action in Crete, on the ground that we are so suspected by foreign Powers. But this is the very argument that was brought forward by Russia to justify her inaction in Armenia. There are symptoms that the insurrectionary movement is spreading to Macedonia, and Austria is naturally becoming seriously alarmed. It is to be hoped that, despite the temptation to pay off Germany and Russia in their own coin, the British Government will energetically support every effort to compel the Sultan to abstain from harrying his unfortunate subjects in Crete or anywhere else. .
The In Canada Mr. Laurier has succeeded in ' Imperial forming his Cabinet. His first public
llverein. utterance was calculated to dash the hopes of those who have been declaring that the Canadian Liberals would not sympathise with the attempt to promote the commercial union of the Empire. Mr. Laurier, declaring himself to be a loyal subject of the Queen, expressed a desire for improving the commercial relations between Canada and Great Britain. It is true that he also hoped to make an improvement in the commercial relations
of Canada and the United States, but that was his plain duty. Canada will yet be the meeting-ground on which Great Britain and the United States will recognise the identity of their interests and the necessity for unifying their external relations. While Mr. Laurier advocated the movement in favour of the establishment of a Colonial Zollverein, it has received a heavy blow in the declaration of Mr. G. H. Reid, the Prime Minister of New South Wales. Discussing Mr. Chamberlain's proposal, Mr. Reid declared that any successful attempt to found such an Imperial Zollverein would create an intolerable situation, in which the present loyalty would be frittered away by the clashing and selfish trade interests of the various parts of the Empire. The Minist, The position of the Ministry at the close
Losing of its first Session is not so strong as it
Ground. was when it opened. An impression has gained ground that it is unlucky. The Conservative papers, headed by the Times, have displayed an extraordinary freedom of criticism as to the shortcomings of the Administration. The House of Commons has realised as it never did before how easy-going, not to say happy. go-lucky, a leader it has in Mr. Balfour, and byeelections have indicated the turning of the tide. Liberals are in good spirits, and if they would but agree to unite on a vigorous campaign in the recess, in favour of improving the education of our people, they would have a much better position next year than they have had this. In the interests of the Government itself, as Mr. Balfour frankly admitted, it is much to be desired that the Opposition should be stronger than it was left at the close of the last general election.
In Parliament there was little doing The Irish last month excepting the Irish Land Bill.
This measure, which more than once was in imminent danger of perishing under the amendments of its authors and the opposition of its friends, has weathered the storm, and will probably figure in the Queen's Speech as one of the few measures which have escaped destruction. Ministers suffered somewhat in prestige owing to the frequent changes of front on this question ; changes necessitated by the varying degrees of pressure which were brought to bear on them by the Irish landlords in the first place, and Mr. T. W. Russell, on behalf of the Ulster tenants, on the other. Ultimately, after one impressive scene in Parliament, in which Mr. Balfour succeeded in rehabilitating his somewhat damaged reputation as a leader by the genuine fervour of his
reply to Mr. Carson, the Bill got through, and at lost the idea that a dame's school which would the moment of writing is awaiting its mutilation teach the A B C and the Church Catechism, is in the House of Landlords,
quite good enough for the children of the labourers. The The Light Railway Bill and the measure be The conduct of the Ministry in insisting Revival of
legalising the use of motor carriages Responsi- that India should contribute £35,000 a England. on highways, both of which will be bility for year to the cost of the Sepoys now garripassed into law this month, are two measures srca soned at Suakim for the Egyptian which will probably have much greater influence Government, was roundly assailed in both Houses of upon the prosperity of our rural districts than Parliament. India is becoming more and more the the Agricultural Rating Bill. Severe as are the most convenient base from which we can operate on sufferings of many of the landlords and farmers the East African littoral. It is quite possible that from falling prices and foreign competition, there as Nyassaland is policed by Sikhs from Northern is one thing more needful than any relief from India, so Rhodesia may come to regard Bombay rates, and that is to give the children in our country rather than Cape Town as its commercial capital. districts an education which will enable them to Hence the need for great vigilance in protecting the hold their own in the struggle of life. The condition Indian Exchequer from the risk of having to finance of education in rural England is deplorable indeed, military expeditions which will be necessary time and unfortunately the natural leaders of the people and again for the maintenance of British authority in the English counties have by no means entirely in Eastern Africa.
BY THE RIGHT HON. JOHN MORLEY.
MR. MORLEY contributes to the Nineteenth Century for August, a carefully considered examination of the negotiations which have taken place between the British and American Governments on the subject of Anglo-American Arbitration. The article is political rather than literary, and the following sentence is almost the only passage in which John Morley's skill as a penman reveals itself :
Lord Salisbury sometimes argues as if he were debating with kant, or Saint-Pierre, or any of those other grand utopians whose noble and benignant speculations have been the light of a world “swept with confused alarms of struggle and flight, Where ignorant armies clash by night.” Mr. Olney is do kant, but an acute lawyer. He is as far removed as possible from being a disputant of the utopian stamp. The Olney dispatches are not altogether in the key of the Olney tax inns. He has made up his mind that the end desired by English and American alike is attainable, and he makes for it with a directness of vision and will that always marks the way in which great things are done.
THE VENEZUELAN FRONTIER. The negotiations are twofold. There is first the question of the Venezuela frontier; secondly, the proposal to establish a permanent tribunal for arbitrating all future matters of dispute Degling first with the Venezuela question, Mr. Morley says :
The more diligently one endeavours to master this entangled razz, the clearer does it become that the whole field of the cintroversy, settled lands and all, presents matters with two sides to them, and claims for all of which something is to be said, and that if ever there was in the world a set of
circumstances proper for arbitration, and if ever arbitration is to be good for any case, this is such a case.
A VERY NARROW DIFFERENCE. He then points out how very closely Mr. Olney and Lord Salisbury have come to an agreement even on the question of arbitrating the settled districts. The case. he says, now stands thus:
“I will not accept an unrestricted arbitration about the settled districts," says Lord Salisbury, “but I shall not complain if the Tribunal should choose to make an unrestricted award even about the settled districts; and, between ourselves, I may tell you in confidence that unless the award about the settled districts were inanifestly unfair, I should find it impossible to resist.”. In other words, broken careers and ruined fortunes or not, Lord Salisbury admits that the decision of the Tribunal against the title of the British occupiers would raise so strong a presuniption that it would not be much less difficult to resist than if it were a definite award. That is where Lord Salisbury stands. How is the presence of elements of honour and integrity to be discovered and decided ? This is the central pivot of the discussion.
What Lord Salisbury desires, and rightly desires, is, as ho says, to protect certain British colonists from having their careers broken and their fortunes possibly ruined. Mr. Olney is willing to direct the arbitrators to give such weight and effect to the position of these colonists as reason, justice, law, and the equities of the particular case may seem to require. But reason, justice, and the equities of the case would manifestly forbid the breaking of the careers and the ruin of the fortunes of men who had settled in the territory which they had every ground for believing to be British. Nobody who will take the trouble to scrutinise the difference between these two positions, and to realise how narrow it is-narrower, I think, than Lord Salisbury's speech would lead us to suppose—will