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doubt that an accommodation is inevitable, unless the same spirit of loitering which has for so many years haunted the Foreign Office in Venezuelan matters, should still preside over these negotiations.
A FRANCO-DUTCH PRECEDENT, A precedent has been mentioned which is worth recalling. Five years ago the French and the Dutch could not agree about a boundary in Guiana. They both held that a certain river was the boundary, but they disputed the identity of the river. One said that the river in question, as marked on the map, was a certain stream; the other said it was quite another stream. The question was referred to the Tsar. The Tsar declined to accept the task unless he was allowed to go into the whole question of the frontier. This was conceded. He decided that the Dutch were in the right, and that their river was the true boundary. But he added to his award the proviso --which is apt to the business that we now have in handthat his award was to be without prejudice to the rights acquired bonâ fide by French settlers in the limits of the territory in dispute. This comes to pretty much the same thing as Mr. Olney's proviso; and who would say that the French would not have been wrong to fefuse arbitration, lest they should be breaking the careers and possibly ruining the fortunes of the settlers whose rights the Tsar thus safeguarded ?
THE QUESTION OF A GENERAL TREATY. Then turning to the question of a general treaty of arbitration, he notes that both negotiators are agreed in excluding questions which involve the honour and integrity of the nation. He says :
The matter is one of infinite delicacy and difficulty. In the Swiss-American draft treaty the parties agree to submit to arbitration all difficulties that may arise between the two States, “whatever may be the cause, the nature, or the object of such difficulties." This is obviously impracticably wide for our case. In the plan adopted at the Pan-American Conference of 1890, the only excepted questions were to be such as, “in the judgment of any one of the nations involved in the controversy, may imperil its independence. This is a qualification which, in controversies between us and the United States, would be merely futile.”
But, if it is agreed that the phrase "questions of honour and integrity” should stand, there arises the second question as to who shall decide what questions involve “honour and integrity":
Mr. Olney's own proposal of a preliminary reference to Parliament or Congress seems not a little cumbrous, though he makes an ingenious defence for it. The whole policy of arbitration rests on the expediency of removing international disputes from the atmosphere of passion, and to ask a great national and popular assembly to decide beforehand whether a given dispute involves national honour or not will perhaps strike many persons as a questionable experiment for suppressing passion.
HOW TO AVOID TERRITORIAL DISPUTES. Lord Salisbury in his reply practically narrows down the accepted questions to those relating to territorial. rights. But as Mr. Morley points out, territorial questions can hardly arise between the United States and Great Britain, both of whom have well-defined frontiers. He says:
It has been suggested that a clause might be added to the treaty of arbitration upon the basis of existing possessions, definitely prohibiting the raising of any question relating to territory now in undisputed occupation. There is something like this, though not quite the same, in the sixth article of the Pan-American project. At any rate this ground of anxiety might be removed by the acceptance in the treaty of an anthentic map of existing territories. So far as I am aware, the not very momentous dispute about the Alaskan boundary
is the only ragged edge in territorial matters between Great Britain and the United States.
Mr. Morley touches lightly upon the question of the constitution of the tribunal, the right of appeal, and the rules which it would have to administer. He says:
The truth is that the creation of a permanent tribunal would be the best way of improving the rules of what is called international law. Sir Henry Maine has some weighty remarks on the advantages of a permanent court or board of arbitrators over occasional adjudicators appointed ad hoc.
THE THINGS TO BE DONE. Mr. Morley's conclusion is as well weighed as it is weighty. He says:
If the principle of arbitration and a permanent tribunal were once established, and with reasonable securities and safeguards embodied in practical shape, that in itself would be an immense step towards lessening the chances of war, even in cases which lay outside the specific operations of the tribunal.
The things to be done are to frame the exception clause, which, though difficult, is not beyond the expert skill of Lord Salisbury and Mr. Olney; and to shape the constitution and functions of the tribunal, as to which the two ministers could evidently come to an understanding in twenty-four hours. If these two things are done, the award should be final, or else we might almost as well or better leave the project alone.
To leave it alone would, in the opinion of the present writer, be nothing short of a disaster to one of the greatest causes now moving the Western world. If Lord Salisbury fails, the question, we may be sure, will be set fatally back for many it your
MR. NORMAN'S WARNING. Mr. Henry Norman, writing upon the arbitration negotiations and the bitch about the settled districts, says:
The American brief for Venezuela denies categorically that there are any British settlers there at all. The simplest war of settling this point would seem to be for three men représenting Great Britain, the United States, and Venezuela, to go themselves to the territory in question and see with their own eyes whether there are any settlers or not. This is probably far too simple a course to be adopted. I am only anxious that Englishmen should not believe that the storm has blown over, when there is only a lull.
A PROPHECY OF THE ISSUE. The editor of the New England Magazine recalls in his July number a prophecy uttered by Edward Everett Hale when preaching in 1889. It reads curiously in the light of the last eight months :
The twentieth century will apply the word of the Prince of Peace to international life. The beginning will not be made at the end of war, but in some time of peace. The suggestion will come from one of the Six Great Powers. It will be from a nation which has no large permanent military establishment: that is to say, it will probably come from the United States. This nation, in the most friendly way, will propose to the other great Powers to name each one jurist of world-wide fame, who with the other five shall form a permanent tribunal of the highest dignity. Everything will be done to give this tribunal the honour and respect of the world. As an international court, it will be organized without reference to any especial case under discussion. Then it will exist. Gradually the habit will be formed of consulting this august tribunal in all questions before states. More and more will men of honour and command feel that an appointment to serve on this tribunal is the highest human dignity. · Of such a tribunal the decisions, though no musket enforce them, will be one day received of course.
| EVENTS OF THE MONTH. 17. Correspondence regarding Arbitration with
HOUSE OF LORDS.
The Report of the Jameson Select Committee July 2. Royal Assent given to the Housing of the Indian Institute opeued at Oxford. rendered in the Cape Assembly.
Working Classes (Ireland) Bill, and a number • Official Returns show 3,598 deaths from Cholera 18. A Statue of Burns unveiled, by Mr. Alfred
of other Bills. in Egypt since the outbreak Austin, at Irvine, Ayrshire.
Third Reading of the Edinburgh University 2. Resolutions protesting against Mr. Rhodes' 20. The Trial at Bar of Jameson and his co-Defen
and the Boyne Navigation Bills. resignation passed in Bulawayo. dants opened.
First Reading of the Agricultural Land Rating 3. Second Proclamation issued by the GovernorFurther Massacres in Crete.
Bill. General of Crete.
Sir F. Carrington's force began the attack of the 6. Motion for the Second Reading of the Irish Nyamanda, son of Lobengula, proclaimed King Matabele in the Matoppo Hills.
Church Act, 1869, Amendment Bill. of the Matabele.
21. A Statue of the Queen unveiled near Blackfriars Third Reading of the Fisheries Acts (Norfolk 4. The Tsar and Tsaritsa made their public entry
and Suffolk) Amendment Bill, and the Metrointo St. Petersburg.
Commercial Treaty between China and Japan politan Counties Water Board Bill. 5. Matabele at Inyati attacked by Colonel Plumer.
Second Reading of the Fisheries Acts Amead7. Li Hung Chang appointed a Grand Cross of the 22. The Marriage of Princess Maud of Wales with
ment Bill. Netherlands Lion.
Prince Charles of Denmark took place at First Reading of University of London Bill. The leander Club defeated Yale University at
Third Reading of Diseases of Animals Bill. Henley.
The German Gunboat Itis lost off the Chiuese Second Reading of the Trusts (Scotland) Bill. 8. The Ancient and Honourable Artillery Company
The Working Men's Dwellings Bill passed of Boston received by the Queen at Windsor. 24. Anti-Socialistic disturbance in Lille.
Committee on the Jameson Raid.
nominee, for the Presidency.
Statue to M. Jules Ferry unveiled at St. Dié.
opened at the Queen's Hall.
to London for Trial.
Session at Carlisle.
to Dr. Harris.
joining Neutrality upon the Citizens of the
Hamilton, at Oxford, on the Indian Institute.
others, at Browning Hall, on the Unity of the
uvion of Christendom.
of Intellectual Apathy.
Appointed Governor-General of Crete. (Photo graph by Ball, Regent Street.) vincial Municipal Institutions
(Photograph by Abdullah, Constantinople.) 9. Lord Salisbury, at St. James's Hall, on Financial
Aid for the Churches. Resignation of Sir C. Tupper and his Ministers The Prince of Wales, the Duke of Connaught, 9. Lord Harris moved the Second Reading of the accepted. the American Ambassador, and others, at
Agricultural Land Rating Bill. Three thousand houses destroyed by Flood in King's Hall, on the Ancient and Honourable Discussion by Lord Farrer, Lord Salisbury, and Japan. Artillery Companies of London and Massa
Lord Rosebery. Second Reading carried by 9. Report of Insurgent Risings in Madagascar chusetts.
153 to 32 votes. received.
The Duke of Devonshire, at Wye, on Technical Third Reading of the Cabs (London) Bill. The assistance of the Cape Transport Corps Education.
10. Third Readiug of the Marriage with a Deceased accepted by Earl Grey.
14. Archbishop of Canterbury, at Lambeth, on Wife's Sister Bill carried by 142 to 104 votes. 10 Mr. W. J. Bryan, of Nebraska, nominated, by
Third Reading of the Floods Prevention Bill the Democratic Chicago Convention, for I'resi 15. Sir M. White Ridley, at Hôtel Métropole, on the
and Second Reading of the Glasgow Parliadent of the United States. Present Government.
mentary Divisions Bill. 11. Democratic Convention dominated Arthur 17. Mr. Balfour, at St. James's Hall, on the Politi- 14. Agricultural Land Rating Bill passed througlı Sewall for Vice-Presideut of the United cal Situation.
Committee without Amendment. States.
Lord Salisbury, in the House of Lords, upon 16. Third Reading of the Trusts (Scotland) Bill, and Italian Ministry resigned.
Arbitration with America.
Second Reading of the Orkney and Zetland 12. A village in Crete fire l on by a Turkish ship. 20. Lord Charles Beresford, at Liverpool, on the Small Piers and Harbours Bill. 13. The New Canadian Ministry took the Oath of
Lord Onslow moved a resolution touching the Allegiance. M. Zola, at Paris, on M. de Goncourt.
payment of the Indian Troops in Egypt. Thirty English Socialists expelled from Ant- 21. Lord Rosebery, at Dumfries and Glasgow, on
Discussion by Lord Lansdowne, Lord Kimwerp. Burns.
berley, Lord Salisbury and others. Resolution 14. Li Hung Chang received by President Faure. 22. Sir M. Hicks Beach, at Bristol, on the Cabinet
carried. New Italian Ministry approved by King Hum Mr. Chamberlain, at Hôtel Métropole, on the 17. The papers relating to the question of Arbitrabert. Opposition,
tion between Great Britain and the United Two shots fired at President Faure. 24. Lord Rosebery, at Epsom, on Technical Edu
States laid upon the Table of the House of 15. A Bust of Dr. Arnoll of Rugby was unveiled in
Lords. Westminster. 27. M. Berthelot, at Paris, on Modern Chemistry.
Third Reading of the Agricultural Land Rating A Statue of Cardinal Newman was unveiled in 29. Lord George Hamilton, at Cooper's Hill College,
Bill and the Fisheries Acts Amendment Bill. the grounds of the Brompton Oratory.
on Their Work in India.
· Royal Assent given to the Diseases of Animals The Lord Mayor unveilel a monument to Lord Wolseley, at the India Office, on Indian
Bill, the Agricultural Land Rating Bill aud Heminge and Condell at Aldermanbury. Military Expenditures.
others. An Equestrian Statue of Joan of Arc, at Reims, Mr. T. M. Healy, at Holborn Restaurant, on Third Reading of the Liverpool Court of Passage unveiled by President Faure. the Irish Land Question.
and the Chairmen of District Councils Bills. 21. Third Reading of the Parliamentary Costs Bill. 23. Third Reading of the Vexations Actions Bill,
and the Public Health (Ports) Bill. Second Reading of the London University Com
mission Bill. 24. Third Reading of the Public Health Bill and the
Public Offices (Sites) Bill. 27. Second Reading of the Friendly Societies Bill
and the Collecting Societies Bill. 28. First Reading of the Coal Mines Regulation Act
(1887) Amendment (No. 2) Bill and the
Conciliation (Trade Disputes) Bill. 20. First Reading of the Land Law (Ireland) Bill. 30. Third Reading of the London University Bill.
Second Reading of the Coal Mines Regulation
Act (1887) Amendment (No. 2) Bill, and the
Labourers (Ireland) Bill.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
cultural Land Rating Bill, Mr. Asquith moved
Councils Bill and the Orkney and Shetland
Small Piers and Harbours Bill. 2. First Reading of Bill to Amend the Law respect
ing Classification of Lands and Heritages for
purposes of Rating, etc., in Scotland. Resolution to make provision for the construc
tion of a Railway from Mombassa to the
Victoria Nyanza agreed to.
Act (1888) Amendment (No. 2) Bill.
Education Bill would be withdrawn.
in Committee of Supply by Mr. Monk. Dis-
State negatived. Vote agreed to. 6. Lord G. Hamilton moved that the costs of Indian
Troops in Egypt be charged to India. Amendment moved by Mr. John Morley, Discussion by Sir Hicks-Beach, Sir H. Fowler, Mr. Balfour and others. Amendment negatived by 275 to 190. Lord G. Hamilton's Resolution carried by 252 to 106.
8. Discussion of the Finance Bill resumed... 21. Motion for adjournment of the House withdrawn. Third Reading of the Judicial Trustees Bill.
Discussion of the Land Law (Ireland) Bill The Accountants (Scotland) Bill withdrawn.
Clause 25, relating to the Remission of Land 23. Discussion of the Land Law (Ireland) Bill
continued by Mr. Gerald Balfour, Mr. John 209 to 77. Bill Reported to the House.
Morley, Colonel Saunderson and others. 24. Adjourned Debate on the vote for the Commis
sioners of National Education in Ireland
Balfour and others. Vote agreed to.
several other Irish Votes agreed to.
Third Reading of the Conciliation (Trade Dis
putes) Bill and the Coal Mines Regulation Act
(1887) Amendment (No. 2) Bill. 28. Discussion on the Land Law (Ireland) Bill by
Mr. Dillon, Mr. Gerald Balfour and others. 29. Mr. Smith-Barry move i the Third Reading of the
Land Law (Ireland) Bill, seconded by Colouel Saunderson. After some discussion Bill was read a Third Time. Third Reading of the
Finance Bill. 30. Mr. Chamberlain moved that a Select Com
mittee should be appointed to enquire into the administration of the British South Africa Company, etc. Motion as amended unanimously agreed to. Third Reading of the Truck Bill and the Light
"Uncle Tom's Cabin," 84.
Family, Berlin, 67.
Rear-Admiral J. C. Byng.
5. General I. G. Kennedy, C.B., 60. (Photograph by Elliot and Fry, Baker Street.
Lieutenant-Colonel Alfre I R. Thompson.
7. Sir John Pender, 81.
and Wales-Discussion by Sir J. Gorst, Mr. S. Erdmann Eucke, sonlptor, 53.
11. Sir Augustus Paget, 73.
16. M. Edmond de Goncourt, 75.
Citizens of Bulawayo praying that the Charter 19. Sir Percy Anderson, 65.
of the B. S. A. Company be not revoked. 20 Charles Dickens, “the Younger,” 59.
Relief (Scotland) Bill,
Tolice Couris Bill withdrawn.
Amendment to the motion for the Second
by 276 to 139. Bill read a second time.
Debate on the Finance Bill.
House-Debate by Mr. Chamberlain, Mr.
Dalziel-Coutinued by others and passed the
Bill, and proceeded to consider Clauses 2, 3,
Public Health (Scotland) (No. 2) Bill, the
the Libel Bill with Irawn.
THE LATE SIR JOIN PENDER.
(Photogropi by Falk, New York.) and of Subordinate Departments, agreed to), Discussion on the Vote for the Commissioners of National Education in Ireland.
21. Joseph W. Harper, publisher. 20. Motion that Public Business shoull not be inter- 23. M. Eugene Spuller, 61.
rupted during the remainler of the Seasjon, Mary Dickens, daughter of the novelist, 58.
excepting Welnesilars, arriel by 299 to 106. 27. John B. Cowan, M.D., LL.D. Consi leration of the Land Law (Ireland) Bill 28. Mr. Henry Garrett, New York Herald Correresume!
7. In Committee on the Finance Bill. Progress
Loans Extension Bill.
Bill and the Short Titles Bill.
THE PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES : MR. MCKINLEY AND MR. BRYAN.
INTRODUCTORY. TT is a long time since any Presidential election in the I United States has possessed such elements of
interest to Great Britain as that which has now commenced.
HOMAGE TO JOHN BULL. Little as the majority of our millions realise the fact, there was seldom a greater compliment paid by one nation to another than that which is unconsciously and involuntarily offered by the contending parties in the United States to John Bull.
What are the issues upon which the battle is raging and will continue to rage with ever-increasing intensity until the polling day in November ? Each political party has its own issue, but at bottom both issues are one, and both are due to the excessive, exaggerated estimate which our American kinsfolk have formed of the prowess, the power, and the wealth of Great Britain.
MR. MCKINLEY'S TRIBUTE TO OUR TRADE. Mr. McKinley, the Republican candidate, is a man emphatically of one idea, and that idea is that the industries of the United States are impotent to hold their own in the home market against the manufactures of Great Britain. It is, therefore, a matter of life and death for the Republic to build up a huge Chinese wall of prohibitive tariff round its frontiers, within which the American manufacturer can do his business without the fear of that terrible John Bull before his eyes. No doubt Mr. McKinley's dread of foreign competition is by no means confined exclusively to that of Great Britain. But we stand in the forefront of the van of those whom he dreads. When he talks of the need of protection, he thinks primarily of the need of shutting English goods out of the American market. If he succeeds in doing that his task is accomplished. Thus it may be said that the essence of the Republican platform is the need of taking such action as they believe to be indispensably necessary to protect American manufacturers from British imports. That is to say, the Republican platform is primarily directed against British trade.
MR. BRYAN'S TO OUR FINANCE. When we turn to the other party, we find its programme and its candidate are even more dominated than Mr. McKinley and the Republicans by the dread of Great Britain. The Democratic programme, which was adopted in Chicago, and their candidate. Mr. Bryan, although they say many things, good, bad, and indifferent, in reality sound only one note, viz., that of War to the Death against what they regard as the financial policy of Great Britain. As Mr. McKinley cannot sleep at night for dreaming of foreign competition in the realm of commerce, Mr. Bryan is haunted day and night by the nightmare of John Bull as the champion gold bug of the
world. Poor innocent John Bull! There are some forty millions of him in these islands, of whom probably thirtynine millions nine hundred and ninety-nine thousand have not even the remotest ghost of an idea that anything they have done in the past, or that they are doing now, gives our American cousins the least reason for alarm. But, although our people know nothing of it, it is an article of faith with millions, especially in the Western cities of America, that by his financial policythat is to say, by his monometallism and insisting upon that is to say by his mono a gold currency--John Bull is the deadliest foe of the American people. You cannot take up any of the American newspapers or magazines that are devoted to the advocacy of free silver without discovering that George III. was not in it compared with the Old Lady in Threadneedle Street as an object for popular detestation in the great Republic of the West.
A NEW WAR OF INDEPENDENCE ! Take for instance the last number of the Arena which has come to hand. The Arera is edited by an able man who is no stranger to England or its institutions, who spent some time quite recently in this country, and who is a man of undoubted earnestness, enthusiasm, and sincerity. Every article that he writes is as the blast of a clarion summoning the American people to a new war of independence against the enthralling despotism of John Bull. He says, for instance, in his last number: “ The present battle is between British gold and American ballots, and as in '76 so in '96, American patriots have determined that their land shall be free. All through the south and west, millions of thoughtful men and determined patriots have,” he tells us, “arrived at the firm conviction that the people at last shall be free, that the domination of the gold power and the servitudo of America to England shall cease.” The great struggle he describes as “the second Valley Forge of the American struggle for independence, for the conflict involves the very life of American institutions.” Ho accuses the American gold monometallists of acting under the direction of “the usurer class of Britain to overawe the American press, to ruin American prosperity, and to resort to devious by-ways and crooked ways in order to accomplish the domination of British supremacy, or rather to accomplish thesupremacy of the Bank of England policy over the prosperity and happiness of American millions, from the manufacturers and merchants to the farmer and artizan."
THE NOTE OF DEFIANCE.' All this is absolutely incomprehensible to the averago Briton. He cannot imagine for the life of him what he has done to excite his Western friends in this extraordinary fashion. The fact, however, remains indisputable. The rallying cry of the Democratic Party, which has just selecied Mr. Bryan as its banner-bearer in the fight, is one of war to the bitter end against the despotism of England in the realm of finance. The note of the famous speech which secured for Mr. Bryan the nomination to the Presidency was distinctly and avowedly a suminons to an oppressed and enslaved population to rally round the silver banner in a holy war of independence against the English octopus. “Our war," said
Mr. Bryan, “is not a war of conquest: we are fighting in abound; and this resurrection of sectionalism, this the defence of our homes, our families, and posterity. arraying of the States which borrow against the States We have petitioned, but our petitions have been scorned; which lend, is one of the most interesting, although not we have entreated, and our entreaties have been dis- the least alarming, portents of these latter days. regarded; we have begged, and they have mocked, and our calamity came. We ber no longer we entreat no more. THE AMERICAN CONSTITUTION AS A BRITISH INTEREST. we petition no more; but we defy them.” And that It would be infinitely more alarming were it not that defiant note will vibrate in every Democratic meeting the American Constitution has been elaborately contrived that is held throughout the length and breadth of the in order to nullify in advance every decision of the Republic all through this autumn from Maine to popular will by a series of checks and counter-checks. California.
which have as the result absolute zero. Whichever side
wins it will be impossible for it to give effect to its views WHAT JOHN BULL THINKS OF IT ALL.
for a year or two, and by that time the pendulum may John Bull, of course, ought to feel very much flattered have swung in the opposite direction and nothing may by the extraordinary amount of attention he and his have come of it all. The Chinoiseries of the American policy is receiving from across the Atlantic. As a Constitution, together with the McKinleyites' devotion to matter of fact, John Bull, not being a vain man, is a Chinese wall of protection, and the Democratic devotion insensible to flattery on
to silver, irresistibly rethis continental scale.
mind one of the some. Notwithstanding his top
what cruel epigram of boots, and the swash
Admiral Maxse, who, buckler disguise in
on returning from a which he is often por
tour in the States, extrayed in the American
claimed, “The Ameripress, our friend John is
cans! Oh, yes! They a very quiet, peaceable,
are the English-speakmodest individual, wlio
ing Chinese of the seeks for nothing in the
West.” It is odd inworld so much as oppor
deed that the American tunity to carry on his
Constitution should be business quietly and
the chief safeguard without fuss. Being
which John Bull posthus, he feels only a
sesses against the Desense of the absurdity
mocratic fury of the of it all, and an uneasy
West. foreboding as to the
THE WIFE IN TOLITICS: possible contingencies which may arise in the
MRS. MCKINLEY. future out of the pro
Another point of digious pother that is
interest of a more being made on his ac
human and domestic count. Whichever side
nature is the fact that wins, it seems as if
each candidate will owe things will be made
much of his popularity somewhat worse for
in the campaign to his him. If Mr. McKinley
relations to his wife. is elected, the Chinese
Mrs. McKinley is an wall of protection will
invalid, both her cbilbe raised still higher
dren died in infancy, and against his manu
she has been a constant factures; if Mr. Bryan wins, he fears that it will be the sufferer for years from a distressing nervous complaint, signal for an attempt to steal 50 per cent. of the money which renders it impossible for her to take any active which he has invested in American securities. Which part in her husband's political career. But she is talented, ever way it goes, it will be the worse for him.
accomplished, and an enthusiastic McKinleyite. Before
her marriage she was distinctively a modern American JOHN BULL'S PARTNERS IN DISLIKE.
woman, well educated, who had travelled in Europe, and Apart from our national, commercial or financial who was earning her living as cashier in her father's interest in the issue of the American elections, the bear- bank. It was indeed across the counter of that bank ing of the question on the future of the Republic is where she met the man who will probably raise her to extremely interesting. For the Democratic party with the position of Lady of the White House at Washing. its silver standard regards Wall Street, New York, and ton. In McKinley's character there is little of romantic the Eastern States generally with a detestation almost interest beyond the extreme and chivalrous devotion as great as that with which it regards the Bank of Eng, which he has paid to his sick wife, and there are probably land and Great Britain. Wall Street and the Eastern a million homes in the United States where the figureof the States are to the new Democratic or Populist party austere politician and indefatigable campaigner will count what the Royalist Tories in the Colonial days were to for less than the picture of the busy man of affairs snatchWashington and the patriots who drew up the Declara- ing every moment from a crowded life to hurry home to contion of Independence. In the East there are, no doubt, sole and comfort and interest the invalid wife whose loro a few silver men, in the West and the South they and sympathy have ever been the inspiration of his career.