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The Anglo'American Reunion.

THE PROGRESS OF THE WORLD.

LONDON, December 1, 1896. The one great forward step made in the progress of the world last month was the conclusion of the Treaty between Great Britain and the United States for the settlement of the Venezuelan frontier by arbitration. The arrangement which brought to a close eleven months' agitation and negotiation was very simple, but the simplicity of the settlement cannot disguise the gravity of the decision which has been taken. The arrangement which, at last, commended itself to both Governments is one which so entirely accords with the principles contended for in these pages, that I have no word of criticism to offer. First and foremost, the treaty is made between Britain and the United States, not between Britain and Venezuela. The Republic of Venezuela is reduced to its proper position of vassal to its suzerain or federal superior at Washington, to whom in future we shall, of course, look for the due execution of the award and the fulfilment of any undertakings into which Venezuela may enter. That is the first great gain of the Treaty.

Overlordship of the

Venezuela, so far as its foreign policy The is concerned, is virtually a territory of the United States, and what is true of United States. Venezuela will sooner or later be found to be true of all the South American Republics. No doubt in time there may come another war between North and South in which the line of division will not be between the Northern States and the Southern States lying between the St. Lawrence and the Gulf of Mexico, but between the Northern Continent which speaks English and has been cast in the English mould, and the Southern Continent which is Spanish or Portuguese, and has as yet no adequate appreciation either of liberty or of law. The manifest destiny of the United States to dominate the Western Hemisphere has now been asserted by its Government and recognised by our own, to the no small dismay of European Powers, who have as yet by no means reconciled themselves to the Monroe doctrine Now, for our part, we are all for the Monroe doctrine, provided the United States, as in the present case, accepts the responsibility which is the corollary of its prerogative.

Title by

CAMBRIDGE, MASS.

The second great gain which has come to us from this settlement is that at last the doctrine of prescription is introduced into International Law. By the Treaty it was arranged that

Prescription.

we should treat the Colonial Empire just as we treat individuals, that the same lapse of time which protects individuals in civic life from having their title questioned should also protect the English colony from having its title questioned, and that where that lapse of time could not be claimed there should be examination of title, and all that equity demanded in consideration of such title should be granted. These are Lord Salisbury's words, but they are qualified in the Treaty by the explicit statement that the period in question shall be fifty years.

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This principle, however, will probably be gradually extended until it covers all frontier disputes. Uninterrupted occupation will give title in sovereignty as well as in matters of property. It is a great advantage, especially for young and growing Powers; for we have been confronted hitherto, in all parts of the world, by the obsolete claims of Powers like Portugal and Spain, which have never been asserted for a century or more, and are still held to be quite valid, as against the more active colonising Powers. Of course, the Treaty with America governs no one but the two Powers; but a precedent like this is very apt to be followed. In any case, it will facilitate the satisfactory solution of arbitration by a detinie

agreement in advance upon the question about which there might have been insuperable difference of opinion.

The third advantage is that the whole Arbitration question as to what territory was Established. originally ceded is to be referred to a tribunal which will be composed of two American and two English arbitrators, who will have power, if they so decide, to select as the fifth an English-speaking man, whether American or British. If they cannot agree, the King of Sweden is to be asked to appoint the fifth person. The decision of this tribunal is to be final. The rights of the settlers on either side of the boundary are to be carefully and equitably guarded, each case is to be considered on its specific merits, and, in establishing the facts, the ordinary rules of law are to prevail. The terms of the Treaty have been received with satisfaction, both in the United States and at home, and what is more strange, even in Venezuela, whose virtual dis appearance as an independent State is, of course, still veiled by the provision that a separate treaty must be concluded between Venezuela and Great Britain. So far as Great Britain was concerned, it was well worth the sacrifice of the disputed territory in order to commit the United States to the recognition of its responsibilities in South America. The American Commission appointed to inquire into the question has been hung up, and no report will be presented unless it should be called for by the board of arbitration. It is not likely that, any decision will be arrived at for twelve months or

more.

Now for

It is to be hoped that the negotiations for the establishment of a permanent Permanent Board of Arbitration will not be sus

a

Court. pended until after the settlement of

the Venezuelan frontier. The two Governments were so nearly in accord on the general question, that it would be a thousand pities if they were to let the threads drop and have to begin everything again de novo, after a decision which quite possibly may make one or other of the two Powers somewhat sick. Most arbitrations do, for after all, if two men sit on horseback, one must sit behind; and arbitrations, like law suits, result in verdicts which usually dissatisfy both parties and certainly dissatisfies one. Still for

all that, they are very much better than the appeal to battle, which hitherto has been the only alternative. It will be well if President Clevelandthe only man who has on three consecutive presidential elections received the vote of the majority of the

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Spain and Her Islands.

Public opinion in the United States is much exercised by the disregard shown by the Spanish Government to American sentiment in relation to Cuba. It continues to be a drawn battie between the insurgent Cubans and General Weyler. The latter has been urged to show vigour, and warned that unless he succeeds in suppressing the insurrection he will be recalled in disgrace. And the Mother Country has shown she is in earnest by raising a new loan of ten millions sterling, covering it twice over in fact, for the purpose of prosecuting the war with vigour. Now the prosecution of a war with vigour in Cuba means the perpetration of no end of atrocities and pretty wholesale shooting of insurgents. Uncle Sam, who is clready much disgusted with the reek of the Cuban smoke which comes to him across the ditch which divides Cuba from Florida, is muttering about intervention, to which Spain retorts by making ready for war. It is a knotty business, nor does there seem to be any prospect of a settlement one way or the other. Even the complete withdrawal of the Spanish forces would be far from restoring peace to the distracted island. Spain has another insurrection on her hands in the Philippine Islands, where, undeterred by fear of American protests, her officers are displaying a vigour which recalls the atrocities of our revolted Sepoys, rather than the action of a civilised and European Power. Cuba and the Philippines are to Spain rather as a kind of decayed

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British garrison. There seems, however, to be no disposition on the part of the British Government to take the hint. Speaking at the Guildhall on November 9th, Lord Salisbury declared with significant emphasis, he did not see any reason in the condition of Europe for evacuating an acre of the territory we are occupying. So far indeed are we from evacuating Egypt, or thinking of any such step at present, that one of the newspaper sensations last month has been the circulation of a circumstantial statement to the effect that the Sirdar, during his visit to this country, has secured the sanction of the Government to his plans for advancing next year upon Khartoum with a mixed Anglo-Egyptian force of twenty-five thousand men. The story is declared to be premature, but if all goes well in Dongola-and so far everything has gone better than was expected --it is almost certain that when the Nile is high next year an attempt will be made to re-establish the authority of the Khedive in the city of Khartoum, The French, on the whole, have taken Lord Salisbury's declaration very quietly, a symptom which tends to confirm the belief that as the FrancoRussian understanding recognised that Germany was to keep Alsace and Lorraine, so it recognises the status quo in the Nile valley.

Prince Lobanoff's Successor,

The Tsar, after spending a little holiday in Darmstadt, has returned to Russia. Many reports have been flying about as to the selection which he has made of a successor to Prince Lobanoff. It was indeed telegraphed all over Europe that Count Vorontsoff-Daschkoff was to be appointed Foreign Secretary, with the status of Chancellor. The news was no sooner printed than it was contradicted. The next statement was that M. Nelidoff was to be brought from Constantinople in order to direct the foreign policy of Russia. That also seems to be premature, and the reasons which led to the passing over of M. Nelidoff when Prince Lobanoff was selected are still more potent to-day. Russia can ill afford to change ambassadors at Constantinople at such a crisis as the present.

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