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gress is in the direction which I have indicated, viz., that of concerted action between the leaders of both parties at the beginning of the session to decide on the programme of legislation and the time to be allotted to each measure; and secondly, the condensation of all measures upon which the two front benches cannot agree into the briefest possible compass, in order to afford the least opportunity for obstruction, or even for that respectable form of obstruction known as pertinacious and minute criticism of details.

It is possible, of course, to take a much less gloomy view of the lessons of the session of 1896. It may be contended with reason that a majority of one hundred and sixty is a standing temptation to indiscipline, and further, that the fate of the Education Bill only

majority, it is equally bad to be in too great a minority, and for the same reason. If a minority thinks it has a chance, it will stick together. If the struggle is manifestly hopeless, men say it makes no difference whether they hold together or not, they will be beaten all the same. Propagandists of thrift always find the most willing converts amongst those who have something to save; it is your extremely poor man who is most hopelessly improvident. At the same time it does not seem as if Liberals had shown any indication of taking the lesson to heart.

1896 brought to the Liberal Party a very unpleasant gift in the shape of the resignation of its leader, and that upon grounds which can hardly be stated without a smile or a sigh. If it is essential to Lord Rosebery's leadership that he should find a political twin to represent him in

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illustrates the impossibility of carrying on business with a house divided against itself. Ministers had a majority of two hundred and sixty-seven votes for their bill, and then had to abandon it in face of mutiny in their own ranks, and the lack of accord between Mr. Balfour and Sir John Gorst. Be that as it may, the general effect of the defeat of the bill was good, in that it administered a cordial to the almost perishing spirit of the Liberal Party, and enabled the outnumbered and demoralised Opposition to feel that after all victories can be achieved even by minorities. It would be well if the lesson of the need for unity, which was thus strikingly illustrate by the collapse of the Education Bill and the defeat of a Government with an immense majority, were taken to heart by the Liberals. They indeed need to be taught the importance of discipline and of unanimity much more than the Conservatives. If it is bad to be in too great a

[November 21, 1896.

the House of Commons, we must reluctantly abandon the hope of the return of Lord Rosebery as head of the British Government. For nature from her teeming womb omitted to furnish us with Lord Rosebery's twin. There is only one Lord Rosebery. Twins in politics are rare, and when a man is as sensitive, as highly strung, as reserved, and as inscrutable in many ways as Lord Rosebery, we must recognise reluctantly that twinship is out of the question. Lord Rosebery in resigning inflicted a heavy blow upon the Liberal Party which would have been resented much more bitterly had it not been that the party itself was in such a hopeless state of demoralisation and disintegration. Yet at the same time that he bade us farewell, he did so in a speech which astonished every one by the force and fervour with which he spoke, the eloquence which he had at his command, and the power with which he asserted his individual judgment when freed from what

he regarded as the trammels of association with his colleagues. It is said that some people have not strength to stand alone. Lord Rosebery is one of those men who have not strength enough to stand unless they are alone. It seems as if the strain of asserting his own individual opinion so far exhausts his initial energy and personal vitality as to leave him nothing over to give effect to tlie conviction which he has formed.

Sir William Harcourt, on the other hand, has improved his position, and, but for his age and manifold infirmities, both of temper and temperament, would have an unchallenged right to the leadership of the party, should unforeseen circumstances open the way to office. But of that at present there seems to be no hope.

Every year brings with it a crop of problems to be solved, and in this 1896 was in no way behind his predecessors. His particular crux has been the Education Question, which caused the temporary discomfiture of one of the strongest Ministries England has had for many years. In the Dominion of Canada the same question has come to the front in a more sharply defined denominational aspect. The quarrel over the position of the French and the Catholics in the common schools of Manitoba first precipitated the struggle between the Provinces and the Parliament of the Dominion, which being transferred to the electorate, resulted in the return, for the first time for many years, of a Liberal majority, and for the first time in Canadian history a French Catholic was installed in power. The new Ministry's first act has been to arrange a settlement by which it is hoped the education difficulty may be settled in Manitoba. The education in the common schools is to be secular, but for the last half-hour religious education may be given by the priests or ministers of the denomination to which the scholars belong. Against this the Catholic hierarchy are already protesting as a refusal of their demands. So 1896 closes with its problem still unsolved, although no doubt by the election of a Liberal majority under Mr. Laurier there is better hope of securing a settlement than would have been possible if the old administration had remained in office.

IV. THE STRUGGLE FOR EXISTENCE. The struggle for existence takes many forms--from the mild emulation which leads children to do their best to please their parents, to the war of extermination which is waged endlessly between the carnivores and the creatures upon whom they dine. There must be in Africa at this moment an indefinite number of millions of hyenas, to speak of no other beast of prey, every one of which must every twenty-four hours obtain a full meal by the slaughter of some innocent creature which, when the sun rose, was enjoying his brief span of existence all unthinking of his approaching doom. It is only in this way, naturalists tell us, that the gazelle maintains its swiftness and symmetry, while the moment the sharp edge of the struggle for existence is dulled, your graceful carrier pigeon develops into the unwieldy Dodo. There seems little prospect at present of evolution Dodowards in a world in which the population daily becomes thicker upon the ground. England for so long has been such an easy first in the field of industry and commerce, that John Bull has been somewhat surly when roused this year to recognise the fact that unless he pulls himself together, there is every likelihood that he will be beaten even in his own markets by the foreigner. The discussion raised by Mr. Williams' book, entitled “Made in Germany," is a prominent

sign of the fact that the menace of foreign competition has at least been taken to heart by Great Britain, and as one result we are told that Ministers will not, as was considered probable, abandon the Secondary Education Bill next session. Germany is by no means our only, or even our most formidable, competitor. The Japanese are already threatening to invade the markets of the world, and the yellow man with the white money is confidently calculating upon his ability to transfer the cotton industry of Lancashire to the shores of the Pacific. American competition has also made itself felt considerably this year in the cycle trade, which is but one among the many warnings that it will not do for the hare to go to sleep, for when it does even the tortoise can beat it.

Another phase of the same question, but one that is also fraught with elements of gool hope for the few, has been the somewhat tardy discovery by those representing our rural districts, that there is no reason why we should continue to sit supine while the foreign agriculturist destroys, one after another in grim succession, the staple branches of our farming industry. One of the signs of the times which 1896 has brought with it, has been the report of the Recess Committee in Ireland, which calls attention in detail to the various measures which are necessary for the purpose of enabling us to regain our lost ground. We English are slow people, but perhaps before the end of the century it may be possible for us, with the best grazing ground in the world, to beat the Dane, the Belgian, and the Dutch out of our own market, from which at present they are steadily excluding us.

The combat of nations in Europe has fortunately been confined to industrial warfare. No sword has been drawn by one civilised state against another through the whole of 1896, but the gates of the Temple of Janus have by no means been shut. The map which is the frontispiece to this article shows in how many places the Year has brought, not peace, but war. By far the most blood-stained portion of the world's surface, so far as 1896 is concerned, is the Ottoman Empire. There has been actual fighting in Crete, while the tale of massacres of Armenians in all parts of the Empire is still far from complete. "The Shadow of God" in Constantinople is haunted by a perpetual fear, and imagines, like most men in panic, that he can best secure his own safety by striking terror. This terrorism of massacre is resorted to as the antidote for the fear which haunts the Palace. There is no way of regarding Abdul Hamid as a gift from the gods excepting in so far as he may be welcome as embodying in his reign, and in the massacres by which its closing days are being marked, a great object lesson as to the real nature of Turkish rule. Withoat some such demonstration it would have been impossible for us to conceive the popular enthusiasm which launched armed Europe on the series of enterprises which we call Crusades. There are many persons to-day who would be very glad to see a new crusade preached for the extermination of the Infidel, not because he is an infidel, but because he has established assassination as an instrument of government, and replied by massacre to the protests of the conscience of Europe and America. The chief gain of Abdul Hamid's devilry is that it has compelled every one to recognise the indispensable necessity of strengthening the European concert. In the European concert we have the germ of the United States of Europe; but so great are the rivalries and antagonisms of the various Powers, that nothing but hell broken loose on their frontiers will suffice to keep

them together even in a nominal alliance. We shall have to wait until the Sultan massacres an ambassador before we see the concert roused to action; but who knows but that even that may be in store for us among the New Year's gifts of 1897.

Casting a rapid glance over the world, it is curious to note how much of the fighting has gone on in the islands. On the continents there has been little or no war, but man has faced man in deadly wrath in Crete, in Cuba, in Madagascar, and in the Philippine Islands. In fact, with the exception of the continent of Africa, and certain of these islands, 1896 has been a year of peace. There are no doubt, however, considerable exceptions, and neither in Cuba nor the Philippines did 1896 bring any prospect

of the Soudan. The Anglo-Egyptian force under the Sirdar, Sir Herbert Kitchener, achieved an almost bloodless success when it marched southward along the Nile valley, and cleared the soldiers of the Madhi out of the fertile provinces of Dongola. It is understood that next year, when the Nile is high, Dongola will be used as a base for the reconquest of Khartoum. But for the unfortunate issue of Jameson's raid, Cecil Rhodes would probably have realised his ideal of joining the Cape to Cairo before the end of the century.

Matabeleland has risen in revolt and has been reconquered. The Transvaal has been the scene of fighting which could hardly be dignified by the title of a war. On the other side the Ashanti power has been broken by

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MAP OF THE ARMENIAN MASSACRES.

[The figures are those given in the Consular reports as the number of Armenians killed.]

In both, Spain and its subjects worry at each other somewhat as a dog worries a badger. The struggle on both sides is marked by atrocities of which the civilised world hears but dimly, if at all. In Madagascar, a French expedition to Antananarivo has placed the French in nominal possession of the island. It is only nominal, for outside the capital the French appear to be obeyed only so far as their guns will carry, and until such time as their guns are removed. In the African Continent there has been more serious fighting. Italy suffered a great defeat in Abyssinia, which, however, has been a blessing in disguise, in that it has led to the abandonment of the ambitious scheme of establishing an Ethiopian Empire raised upon the colony of Erythræa. The defeat in Africa shook down the Crispi ministry, and crippled Italy in the estimation of Europe. It was also the means of launching the long-expected expedition for the recovery

an English expedition, which has opened up one of the dark places of the world, full of frightful cruelty, to the milder influences of commerce and civilisation. As the year closes, Sir George Taubman Goldie is departing for the Niger in order to strike a blow at one of the slave-trading tribes which still live and thrive under the nominal protectorate of the Niger Company. Of all the enterprises now on foot, that of the Niger Company is the most critical. Sir George Taubman Goldie stakes his all upon this venture, and if he fails, it is possible his charter may go with him. I hope he will not fail, but still supposing he does, what will become of the Niger? It is a question which Mr. Chamberlain and Lord Wolseley will do well to think over this Christmas

time.

Peace, however, has its triumphs not less than war, and the great achievement of the year with which this

survey of 1896 properly comes to its close, is the conclusion of a treaty with the United States for the arbitration of the Venezuelan dispute. The year opened gloomily indeed, and to none more gloomily than to those of us who have always refused to consider the English-speaking race as other than a unit. To see this English-speaking family suddenly threatened with civil war because of a ridiculous quarrel about some trumpery swamps in South America, the location of which was unknown to nine hundred and ninety-nine English-speaking men out of a thousand, was one of those fantastic nightmares of the devil which can only be conceived because they have actually existed. No mere artificer of works of imagination could have conceived anything more criminal and insane than the war to which the two foremost nations of the world were even passionately

whether as a sign for good or evil, that neither Parliament nor Congress either promoted or retarded this rapprochement of the peoples. The mobilisation of the peace forces of each country was effected by extra-parliamentary action, but however they were put in motion, the mere appearance of these battalions was sufficient to convince the rulers that as the nations would not fight, some settlement must be arrived at. That which has been come to is a very satisfactory first step towards the establishment of a permanent Court of Arbitration. The United States have been gratified by our unreserved acceptance of arbitration, while we on our part have obtained all that we needed and more than we ventured to expect. In the treaty we have succeeded in saddling the United States with the logical corollary of the Monroe doctrine, which has always been talked about in

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invited by many men holding pens and having access to public newspapers in the United States. The question at issue was one that helped us, by its very insignificance, to measure the danger which we incurred by allowing the English-speaking race to continue any longer without a permanent apparatus, in the shape of a Court of Arbitration, for the purpose of settling its disputes. But if this was one gain, another which was hardly less important was the demonstration which the year afforded us that the forces making for peace are capable of mobilisation almost as rapidly as those making for war. In both countries, as soon as the peril was perceived, the sober second thoughts of the peaceful, sensible, religious community asserted themselves. Committees were formed in both countries to which the representatives of all that is best and most influential in the social and religious life of the land gave in their adherence. It is notable,

the States but seldom acted upon. Uncle Sam will settle his difficulties with John Bull, but John Bull will expect Uncle Sam to foot the bill and collect any award that may be given. This is very good news for John Bull, but Uncle Sam will probably find that the bargain of which he is so proud may be very inconvenient. That is the first gain. There is another almost as important. The Americans have denounced the doctrine of what they call "squatter sovereignty," by which it was contended that it was possible to establish political rights over any territory by the simple process of goin and living in it and recognising a different political control from that of the State within whose boundaries you have established yourself. This doctrine has now found its way into international law, or at any rate, Anglo-American law, for by the treaty which closes this controversy, fifty years of uninterrupted occupancy gives a proscriptive right to the territory in the districts

in dispute. If British subjects have occupied the land for fifty years without recognising the Venezuelan Government, or being in any way molested by the actual exercise of its sovereignty, that territory upon which they live will not be submitted to arbitration, but will be regarded as part and parcel of the British Empire. The recognition of the principle of fifty years' prescription is a gain, the importance of which can only be appreciated, by those who have been familiar with the difficulties confronting those who have urged that all disputes should be referred to arbitration.

Thus 1896 has brought us good things. It has been a year that began with war and has seen much fighting; but, substantially, it has advanced us far on the road towards an Anglo-American Union and the proba

still remains a magnet to lure the adventurous explorers of all nations into the jaws of death and into the mouth of a hell whose heat burns frore.

At home the removal of the legislative restrictions which have heretofore barred the introduction of motor carriages on public highways has encouraged expectations and stimulated invention, for the fruit of which we shall have to wait until 1897. The passage of the Light Railways Act, which was one of the legislative fruits of a somewhat barren session, also indicates a belief that the facilitation of intercourse will tend to the multiplication of business. Towards the close of the year the heart of the British farmer was cheered by the sudden rise in the price of wheat, though the increased charge this rise entailed in the bakers' bills of the nation far exceeded

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bility of federated action, not only among Englishspeaking peoples, but even in the United States of Europe.

In literature, 1896 will not rank among the great years of history. In popular science it is chiefly famous on account of the discovery of the X rays. Professor Röntgen may or may not have laid the foundation for a revolution in surgical practice, but he has certainly rendered yeoman service in familiarising the public mind with the idea which all previous teaching had failed to do, that there is no reason in the nature of things why we should not be able to see through opaque substances. The X ray has not merely revealed the bones of the hand, it has rendered thinkable to many persons much that has hitherto been regarded as the wild fantasies of occultists.

In travel the honour of the year belongs to Dr. Nansen, who, with his little ship, the Fram, has come nearer reaching the North Pole than any person before him. But he failed in achieving his great quest, so that the Pole

the benefit which accrued to the farmer, for only a fractional part of our daily bread is produced at home.

The obituary of the year has contained some notable names. The sudden demise of the Archbishop of Canterbury has removed one who has long been one of the most familiar figures, and generally one of the most respected Churchmen of our time. 1896 has been a sore year for the Academy, for it is without precedent that the same twelve months should see the death of two presidents in such quick succession. Lord Leighton was succeeded by Sir John Millais, who in his turn made way for Sir E. Poynter before he had even an opportunity of officiating at the annual function of the body over which he had been called to preside.

In literature we have lost two poets, Mr. William Morris and Mr. Coventry Patmore. In fiction Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe, who had long since ceased to write, has gone, leaving her sister as the only survivor of a very celebrated family.

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