He was a man of distinguished abilities, and was conscientious and devout. But he was cold, irritable, austere, and repellent. He was a somewhat exaggerated type of the Puritan his father had been.

The peculiar political condition of the country and the circumstances attending his election placed him in an embarrassing situation. (The offices were filled with Democrats, his own party affiliates; hence he could not make removals, and thus he lacked patronage that efficient means of securing a following. But, in connection with Clay, Webster, and others, he laid the foundation of a new party, based on a protective tariff and a general system of internal improvements. He recommended both in his inaugural address and in his first message to Congress. We have seen that the Democrats were no longer as rigid constructionists as at first. it is one thing to approve or acquiesce in a measure fathered by one's own party leaders, and quite a different thing to be called on to support the same measures under the championship of one's adversaries. And there was now a growing hostility between Adams and his friends upon one side, and the Jackson Democrats on the other.

But

Adams had been friendly to Jackson, and wanted him to be Minister to Mexico. But this was before Jackson became a prominent candidate for the Presidency. The suspicious disposition of Adams had caused him to distrust Crawford, a colleague in Monroe's Cabinet, and others who might stand in the way of his laudable ambition.

But he was elected, and naturally aspired to a second term; all of his predecessors, except his father, having received this mark of public favor. Some of the elements of opposition have been indicated, and others developed as his administration progressed. When he became President the Senate was composed of 38 Democrats and 10 Whigs, and the House of 134 Democrats and 79 Whigs.

Calhoun, now Vice-President, John Randolph, and Martin Van Buren, with Crawford and Jackson, were a strong adverse array. As there were no matters of special interest during Adams's term, much time, on both sides, was given to rival schemes and combinations for the future.

Indifference, or even dissatisfaction with domestic affairs, are forgotten when a diversion is presented by a popular and successful foreign policy. But Adams was unfortunate in not being able to develop such policies.

The Panama Congress was a pet measure of Mr. Adams. Perhaps it was an ingenious device to arouse the patriotic ardor of the people, and to rally round him, as the great promoter of the glory and dignity of the United States, those who had become lukewarm in his support, and even those openly hostile. The project was to assemble at Panama representatives from the SpanishAmerican states, and to form a league, with the United States at its head, for commercial and political purposes, and to aid in maintaining the Monroe Doctrine. But the Monroe Doctrine thus to be maintained was emasculated, "each State to guard, by its own means, its own territory from European colonization." The project was debated in the Senate with considerable heat, and proved to be a boomerang, doing Mr. Adams more harm than good.

And by a disagreement with England, all our West India trade was lost. So it came about that the twentieth Congress contained 11 Adams and 37 Anti-Adams Senators; 85 Adams and 128 Anti-Adams Representatives. The parties are thus designated because almost all were nominally Democrats. Some one, writing of the status of affairs, has said that the opposition to Adams in Congress, from a minority, in 1827, became a large majority; "a state of things which had never before occurred under the Government of the United States."

This thing, then so astonishing, became quite customary in later years.

Notwithstanding the fact that Jackson had a plurality of the popular, as well as of the electoral votes, he was, as has been stated, defeated by the House of Representatives. His admirers and supporters determined that their desire to honor "the hero of New Orleans" should not be thwarted a second time. And at the next election Jackson's majority was overwhelming.

The election of Jackson was a departure from the traditions and precedents which had hitherto prevailed. The other Presidents had been of the educated and

polished school of statesmen. But Jackson inaugurated a régime of pure democracy. Reared in simple and rustic habits, he was emphatically of the people; and the acquisition of neither fame, station, nor power caused a departure from the homely ways of border life. He smoked his cob pipe in the White House with the same indifference to environment as when a log cabin was his home.

Jackson was plain, sturdy, courageous, self-reliant, and patriotic. He was unflinchingly honest and sincere; affected neither by prospect of personal gain nor dread of personal loss; not swerved a hair's breadth by cajolery or intimidation. His sobriquet, "Old Hickory," fitly typified his mental and physical make-up. He had spells of violent passion, which was not always restrained by his judgment. His sympathies were always and entirely with "the common people." This basic element of his character may account for his instinctive and violent hostility to every form of class assumption, or claim for class or special consideration; and hence to the growth of monopolies and of corporate power.

With his backwoods soldiers he had won a decisive victory over the veteran troops of Great Britain. This was the second deliverance from England's domination; and its appeal to the grateful homage of the nation was

less potent than in the case of Washington, in so far as the differences of their surroundings and temperaments made the one calm, imperturbable, profoundly wise, and just; while the other was implacable, fiery, and resolute, whose policy was rather to crush than persuade.

When Jackson was inaugurated, the Senate stood 38 Democrats, 10 Whigs; the House, 142 Democrats, 71 Whigs.

As has been shown, the Whig party was an offshoot from the Democratic party. Naturally, whatever remained of the Federalists united with the new party in opposition to their long-time enemy. Some of the other elements which added to its strength have been indicated. Jackson's aggressive disposition drove still others to the new flag. He soon indicated his purpose to put a curb upon the internal improvement system, as well as upon the protective tariff policy. And he promptly announced his determination to throttle the National Bank.

During the first session of Congress after his inauguration, a bill was passed authorizing the United States to subscribe to the stock of the Maysville Turnpike Road Company. Jackson, swinging his party back to a strict construction of the Constitution, denied the power of the general government to engage in such enterprises, and vetoed the bill. Two other bills of a similar nature were passed at the close of the session. These the President refused to sign, and smothered by a" pocket veto." (If the President does not approve of a bill within ten days after its passage, it becomes a law without his signature, provided Congress is in session. Should Congress adjourn before the ten days expire, the bill dies. This withholding of his approval is called a " pocket veto.") In the next session large appropriations for improvements of harbors, rivers, and roads were passed by large majorities, and were approved by the President. The President, perhaps, did not wish to take issue with Congress

upon this matter, as he was husbanding his strength for a greater struggle.

When Congress assembled on December 6, 1830, the Senate was composed of 35 Democrats and 13 Whigs; the House had 130 Democrats and 83 Whigs. The President sent in his message, in which he violently attacked the National Bank. It will be remembered that this institution was incorporated in 1816, with a twenty-year lease of life. It must soon have its charter extended, or prepare to close its doors and wind up its affairs. As another election was approaching, the friends of the bank, marshalled by Mr. Clay, believed that Jackson would not venture to force the fight at that juncture. But they did not know their adversary. Jackson threw himself into the contest with as much dash and vigor as he had displayed at New Orleans. He believed that the immense power which the bank had acquired had been grossly abused, and was a great and growing menace to the Republic. Philadelphia was its headquarters; but it had twenty-five branches scattered through the country. It had $7,000,000 of government money on deposit, in addition to $6,000,000 of other depositors; with a note circulation of $12,000,000, and a line of discounts amounting to $40,000,000 which, in a few months was run up to $70,000,000. Inasmuch as this bank received and disbursed all of the government's moneys, it was certainly incumbent upon the government officials to be absolutely certain of its solvency, as well as of its prudent and honest management; and this without reference to the validity of its charter. Jackson was adversely convinced upon all points, and recommended that Congress should direct the removal from the bank of the government's deposits. This Congress refused to do. He repeated this recommendation at the next session, with the further one that the stock in the bank belonging to the United States should be sold. Both propositions were voted down.