further fact that England is still the ally of Japan cannot well have a comforting effect upon the American mind.

But at the present moment, the pregnant side of the question is Mexico, where, according to the readily understood wishes of the Americans, a government, amenable to these wishes, must be set up, that shall put a limit, among other things, to the European, hitherto only English, thirst for oil. Rent by rebellions for the last three years, that unhappy country is in immediate need of peace; and this can be accomplished only through a man, after the pattern and possessing the qualities of Porfirio Diaz. If such a man-like Huerta, who has publicly expressed himself in favor of an understanding with Japan and England does not submit to the will of the United States, they will oppose him with all means at their command; if, on the other hand, he complies with their wishes, he will constantly be fought from within Mexico itself, which is hostile to the Union. It seems, therefore, that soon there will be nothing left for the United States to do, except to step in and restore peace in its own way; and as in the case of Cuba, to take temporarily the reins of the government into its own hands. But in view of the friction existing between England, Japan and Latin America on the one hand, and the United States on the other, it can readily be seen that such a decision would not be without its difficulties.

On the other hand, it is quite evident that sooner or later Europe will feel the retroactive force of the Central American Question. The relations between Germany and England are indirectly affected by this question. As long as England looks with distrust upon the increasing strength of the German fleet, it restricts its freedom of action and will not be in a position to secure the complete results of the policy it has pursued hitherto. The well-known maxim "Divide et impera," which has been the immemorial and successful watchword of British diplomacy, was applicable to Europe. But the world, which has in a way been united through the Panama Canal, is no longer an available field for the application of that outworn policy.

From the day of the declaration of the independence of the United

'See Fortnightly Review, Nov. 1913, p. 857: "One of these days England and Japan and Mexico will go together and after that there will be an end to the United States."

States, America began to shape a world of its own, whose favorable geographical situation made it possible for the Union to remain for nearly a century a disinterested spectator of events that took place in the east and the west. In accordance with this situation, George Washington in his time announced the fundamental principle of not entering into any entangling alliances, and in 1823, President Monroe proclaimed his doctrine as the "noli me tangere" of the young republic, aspiring to leadership on its continent.

But the ever increasing and improving means of communication have brought America into closer economic and cultural relations with the old world; in consequence, it may be said, that with the opening of the Panama Canal, practically the West and the East will clash on the Great Ocean!

The Atlantic Ocean has been the scene of battles and rivalries between nations. The Great Ocean which is now coming to the front is likely to become to a far greater extent the scene of action for the struggle of races, a fact that may have been foreseen by Senator W. H. Seward when he said as long ago as 1852: "The Pacific Ocean, its shores, its islands and the vast regions beyond will become the chief theater of events in the world's great Hereafter." The "Central American Question," and, above all, the way in which it is to be settled, may consequently prove of the utmost importance for the shaping of all the historical events of the present century, especially if, with reference to the Panama Canal, it is considered as the starting point of a new epoch.

It has been the object of this article to demonstrate the soundness of this view; and for the reasons stated, the writer believes that the time is near when in their political speculations, all Teutonic nations must look upon the world as a whole, and, in accordance with the probable development of things in general, they must begin to think in races and continents.

Nearly two decades ago, the German Emperor uttered words that cannot be forgotten, calling upon the western nations to preserve their most sacred possessions; and each new day the prophetic significance of that utterance becomes clearer. Therefore, all reasonable people should 'Reinforced by the Lodge Resolution of 1912, and by the address of President Wilson, delivered in October 1913, at Mobile, Ala.

exert their influence to make the Christian Teutonic world realize that which it is in need of-Unity.

It is of course not an easy matter to accomplish such a high purpose. It requires a thorough and comprehensive process of enlightenment; in this work, the schools and the press of all interested countries should combine their efforts; above all, it requires the honest desire of the governments-especially those of London, Berlin and Washington-to work together in cordial understanding. Once this determination for cordial coöperation has everywhere been evenly cultivated, all else will be accomplished without difficulty, for a way will be found by those who wish to find it.

GERMANICUS.

THE LAW OF HOSTILE MILITARY EXPEDITIONS AS

APPLIED BY THE UNITED STATES

CHAPTER IV. THE FULFILLMENT OF THE INTERNATIONAL OBLIGATION

The manner of the performance of the duty of preventing hostile expeditions, and the means to be employed for that purpose, are matters largely or entirely for the discretion of the individual state. It cannot be said that any particular method is required or sanctioned by international law. This discretion is limited, however, by practical necessity and by the exigency of good faith.

1. EVIDENCE OF GOOD FAITH

The state will find it expedient, in the first place, to provide itself in advance with the power and the means of preventing expeditions. In this way, it gives substantial evidence of its intention to meet its obligations when they arise. The obvious impossibility of the performance of its duty without so having provided makes this essential as an assurance to foreign governments of a proper regard for the requirements of the law. The government must take care that its municipal law does not fail to forbid acts contravening its international obligations. Hence it becomes necessary to provide by statutory enactment for the prevention of expeditions which may injuriously affect the rights of other states,85

85 Formerly it was not the custom to embody international obligations in legislation. The present practical necessity of this is, however, apparent. Arbitrary executive repression of individual conduct is very limited under the constitutional systems of modern governments. It has, therefore, now become almost imperative as a matter of internal administration. The performance of its duty to other states would be a practical impossibility for the United States in the absence of statutory regulations.

The practical necessity for legislation must not be confused, on the other hand, with legal requirement. The statutory law concerning expeditions is primarily a matter of domestic regulation. In so far as it deals with the means of preventing hostile enterprises, another state may not prescribe its provisions. If it enacts a

The domestic legislation may be concerned both with the prohibition of objectionable acts in furtherance of expeditions and with the means of the enforcement of the prohibition. As regards the latter, the government should doubtless be armed with power sufficient for the frustration of all attempts at unlawful undertakings. It must have authority to prevent as well as to punish. And to satisfy the requirement of good faith, the prohibitive enactment must be upheld by the sanction of adequate punishment. This applies alike to the preventive and punitory phases of the law. As a means of prevention, the statute should amount to more than a mere proclamation; it should have some real deterrent force. The infliction of satisfactory punishment subsequent to the carrying out of the expedition also requires the provision of ample penalties.

A further evidence of good intentions are the executive proclamations issued in times of especial danger or difficulty. The salutary effect of these is occasionally considerable. They serve as a warning to those individuals who otherwise might not expect the enforcement of the law. They enlist the coöperation of local officials and of the public with the government for the detection of probable offenses. They may thus be of real value in preventing expeditions. In any case they have the effect of notice to foreign states most likely to be concerned of the government's intention to meet its full obligation.86

The Government of the United States has been accustomed to cooperate with foreign governments in the matter of the investigation of possible violations of the law, and occasionally it has supplied information of importance to other states in warding off attacks of expeditions which this government might not be able to repress. In 1884, the Canadian Government sought information from the United States concerning the basis of rumors circulated in the press of this country that a Fenian invasion was in preparation. The authorities investigated and prohibition against certain individual conduct, it defines only an offense at municipal law, as to which a foreign government may not inquire. Since the international offense is distinct from the municipal, it is entirely independent of the existence of any domestic law. This law cannot, therefore, be required as a matter of legal right. (7 Op. At. Gen. 367).

For examples of such proclamations, see Richardson's Messages, I, 157, 404, 561; III, 482; IV, 72; V, 7, 111, 271, 272, 388, 496; VI, 433; VII, 85, 91; IX, 591, 694.