did not make so striking a difference. But we have now above two millions, and a few more doublings will give us a number wholly unmanageable.

Those who possess absolute authority over others, can seldom be induced, in the greatest emergency to resign it. Not unfrequently, every disinterested person can see, that give up or ruin is the only alternative; while those in power are so blinded or infatuated, as confidently to think they can weather the storm. How many rulers have been hurled from their seats to ruin, who, if they could have been induced to consult moderation, might long have possessed all the power it was good for them to possess. How many by grasping too much have lost all; and how many have looked back with long and bitter regrets, at their folly, in not being more reasonable in their claims, and more regardful of the rights of others.

The British government was admonished again and again not to hold her colonies with too hard a grasp, not to force them to be her enemies, and advised to make it their interest to be her friends. She laughed at the idea of our resisting, and, glorying in her strength, was confident that she could put us down at once. How many bitter regrets has it cost her! and what a rival has she raised up in her path. In 1840, we will have a coloured population equal to our whole population when we entered into that contest with the mother country. We had then half a million of slaves among us, who might be con-sidered as deducting an equal number from our strength, leaving us an effective white population at that time not equal to our present number of blacks. And I venture to say, that the great body of disinterested persons thought our prospect of success not better, than similar persons would think a well arranged insurrection of blacks in the South. And surely none among us can be more confident of our ability to put down an insurrection, than England was of her ability to crush our attempt to go out free and independent states. England, however, was sorely disappointed. A train of events, ordered by an overruling Providence, took place, which she could not control; and as the result, we went out free. It would be wise in us

to take warning. How bitterly are those statesmen condemned who led England into those unwise measures, and how will the names of our leading men stand with posterity, if they provide not against the evil before us?

We justly, and almost universally, blame our fathers for introducing negro-slavery among us; and what will our children say of us, if we let the evil go on until the blacks take possession of the South; seize on all our sea-board; occupy the mouths of all our southern rivers; cut off our trade from abroad; force our children into the mountains; and oblige them either to give up all foreign trade, or pay them a tribute for being allowed to pass out to the ocean? I know the indignation which the bare mention of such a thing will produce. It will not, I admit, take place with the consent of the whites. But what can a man do when another has become too strong for him? Many a man, and many a people, have submitted to things sorely against their will. England was as reluctant to let us go out free, and thus lose the fairest jewel in her crown, as we would be to let the blacks have the South. But what could she do? Contend eternally? We had become too strong for

her.

She only hurt herself. It is one of those cases in which, if we let things go on, in their present course, the time is not distant when the consequences cannot be controlled; and if the temper which has thus far prevailed in the South be allowed to rule a few years longer, the matter will be incurable, except by violent remedies; and the names of those who have been in power, and have used that power to prevent better measures, will be classed with those who brought the Africans to our land. The one for gain brought them in violation of all right, and the other for gain and want of wisdom have, although warned again and again, refused to adopt the only measures that promised to arrest and avert the impending evil.

Yours, &c.

17

195

APPENDIX.

A.

THERE are many things in negro slavery, as it exists among us, to which we all would think it exceedingly hard and unjust, to be ourselves and families subjected. Now the law of "doing as we would be done by,”—the law of "loving our neighbour as ourselves," appears to me most manifestly to forbid that we should subject others to these things.

The negro slave may, with a solitary exception, be said. to be stript of all his rights. The law recognizes his right to life, and makes some provisions to secure it from being violently taken away; but even those provisions are far short of what are deemed necessary to secure the life of the white man. How this difference is viewed in the eyes of him who "made of one blood all nations of men," and declares himself no respecter of persons," deserves the serious consideration of all; and especially of those who call God their Father, and profess to take his word for the rule of their conduct.

66

With the above exception, I hardly know the right, natural, civil, or religious, which the slave can be said to possess. All are claimed by the master; and the law of the land sustains his claim. The slave is reduced to a mere chattel-is held by his master as property, with absolute and uncontrolled authority to use him and treat him as his interest, or passion, or caprice may dictate. The slave may be bought and sold at pleasure; and that without any regard to his inclinations; without any regard to long and faithful services-and without any regard to family ties. His times of labour and of rest-the kind and degree of labour, depend on the will of his master. Should

a master refuse the degree of rest needful to support nature-should he work his slave beyond his natural strength, the slave has no redress. No one is authorized to interfere. The master claims the whole proceeds of the labour of the slave; and that without acknowledging any obligation to give any compensation, more than a bare subsistence. And as to the means of subsistence, the kind and quantity of food and clothing, the master has it absolutely in his power. Should he give what is unhealthy in kind, and insufficient in quantity, there is no redress. The master may punish his slave in what manner and degree he pleases, (not immediately taking life) for his faults, real or suspected; or for no fault at all. Should a master from prejudice, or caprice, or sheer cruelty, abuse and punish and torture his slave every day, as much as his nature would bear; I know of no law of the land which would make it the duty, or enable any one to interfere and stop the crying injustice. The master may cut off his slave, to what extent he please, from intercourse with the world. He may prevent his forming family connections; or he may break them up when formed. Where the relation of husband and wife exists in good faith between the parties, and is strengthened by all the endearments of a family of children, the pledges of their mutual love, the law still gives no protection. The master may sell the husband without the wife, or the wife without the husband; the parents without the children, or the children without the parents. He may sell them all-he may sell them all separately; one to one man, to be removed in one direction, and another to another man, to be taken in a different direction, as his interest, passion, or caprice may influence. The owner may keep his slaves as ignorant as he please, or as ignorant as he can. He may refuse to teach them to read, and may forbid any other person to do it. He may oppose their religious instruction. He may prevent their attending the preaching of the gospel. He may place them in situations so remote from the public means of grace, and so lay his commands on them as to staying at home, that, humanly speaking, the slave has no chance of hearing and understanding the gospel to his salvation. Yea