exchanges of Bombay closed their doors, and the Dominion of Canada suspended their welcome to the heir apparent, the Duke of Cornwall and York, who with his Duchess had just arrived on a visit, in order that all might join with the Republic in her day of mourning. Never before had the British Government paid such marked homage to any foreigner. In Germany the sorrow and friendship were no less marked. A memorial service was held by imperial command in Berlin, at which the Emperor was personally represented by Prince Leopold of Salms-Baruth. Services were also held in Dresden, Munich, Stuttgart, Cologne, and other cities, at which the highest official society was present. Emperor William ordered the flags to be displayed at half-mast on all the ships of the fleet and the Stars and Stripes to be hoisted at their maintops. In St. Petersburg, Vienna, Paris, Brussels, Copenhagen, Rome, and many other European cities similar honors were given. The Empress Dowager of China published an edict recognizing the service of friendship which the American President had rendered to her country. Cuba and Porto Rico joined sincerely in the general mourning. From the Philippines came a great sheaf of telegrams, resolutions of public bodies, and newspaper editorials, some from friends and some from enemies of annex ation, including Aguinaldo himself, all expressing their deep sorrow and sense of personal loss. One orator characterized Mr. McKinley as "a man who was an enemy to the tyranny in the Philippines, and who, as a ruler, by his knowledge and tact has convinced the people that the country where the American flag floats is a country where slavery and tyranny is an impossibility." A newspaper said: "America has lost in the person of McKinley the first of her sons, and the Philippines a friend who would have opened for this country the doors of life"; and another closed its editorial with the significant words: "We, the Filipinos, as the best offering, lay upon the tomb of President McKinley, faith in America, trust in the republican doctrine." The silent reverence of the multitudes, the spontaneous singing of the favorite hymn, the solemn services in churches and cathedrals, the eulogies of orators and preachers, the half-masting of flags, and the condolences of kings and emperors all meant the same tribute of respect to the memory of a man worthy to be loved. There is in every human soul a window to the light. It may be darkened in the daily pursuit of wealth, fame, or pleasure. It may at times be nearly obscured by sordidness, cynicism, and despair. Yet there is no heart so mean that the rays from a pure life will not stream into it and find response. "Men, in all ways," says Emerson, "are better than they seem." A brave act brings plaudits from thousands who would not themselves be equal to it. True worth is visible even to the worthless. The world approves noble deeds and lofty character, even though at times the trend of events seems to indicate the contrary. At rare intervals, as the result of some momentous happening, the windows in the souls of men seem to open as by common impulse, and to let in the clear light of truth and goodness. So it was that the shock of McKinley's death seemed to illuminate with the vision of a blameless life the hidden recesses of human hearts throughout the world. Political differences and international jealousies were forgotten. In the manner of his death McKinley had revealed the quality of his life, and the world saw its truth and beauty. T CHAPTER XXXV CONCLUSION "Magistratus indicat virum " And if the Motto on thy 'scutcheon teach HE lines of Wordsworth to the Earl of Lons dale might be addressed to President McKinley, for it was as Chief Magistrate of the nation that the full measure of his greatness as a man stood revealed. Yet not Envy, but rather Prejudice and Misrepresentation, have in a measure obscured the public vision. No one envied McKinley except, perhaps, a few disappointed presidential candidates. His task was too arduous for that. The vilification of public men, however, is unfortunately a part of our political system. Purely intellectual appeals to reason on party questions, so far as real issues exist, fail to reach a large proportion of the electorate. Those who vote the party ticket from habit are too willing to help in the dissemination of any calumny that will hurt the opposing candidate, and politicians well know that personal abuse, industriously circulated by the rank and file, will reach and influence thousands who know nothing of party platforms or political doctrines. They have only to start a vicious lie and thousands will repeat it regardless of the truth. The "Crédit Mobilier" scandal was fruitlessly urged against Garfield, and the "Mulligan Letters" more effectively against Blaine. Cleveland's moral character was grossly maligned. The malicious charge of a corrupt bargain with John Quincy Adams, though vigorously denied and sufficiently disproved, persisted long enough to keep Henry Clay permanently out of the Presidency. Lincoln was denounced as "imbecile and vacillating"; Wendell Phillips proclaimed him a "civil and military failure" and thought his reëlection would mean the reconstruction of the Union on "terms worse than disunion"; and his own Secretary of the Treasury had the notion that he was "fatally inefficient, laggard, and unequal to the occasion."1 Even Washington fared no better. He was "abused and intrigued against, thwarted and belittled" during the Revolution, and attacked again during his Presidency. Pickering thought him "commonplace," "not original in his thoughts," and "vastly inferior to Hamilton," while Jefferson sneered at him as mentally weak and easily deceived. "2 1 John T. Morse, Jr., Abraham Lincoln, vol. 1, pp. 104 and 255. 2 Henry Cabot Lodge, George Washington, vol. II, pp. 306, 307. |