some way

Good Sense.

Society must support all of its members, all of its robbers, thieves and paupers. Every vagabond and vagrant has to be fed and clothed, and society must support in all of its members. It can support them in jails, in asylums, in hospitals, in penitentiaries, but it is a very costly way. We have to employ judges to try them, juries to sit upon their cases, sheriffs, marshals and constables to arrest them, policemen to watch them, and it may be at last a standing army to put them down. It would be far cheaper, probably, to support them in some first-class hotel. We must either support them, or They let us go upon

help them to support themselves. the one hand simply to take us by the other, and we can take care of them as paupers and criminals, or by wise statesmanship help them to be honest and useful men. Of all the criminals transported by England to Australia and Tasmania, the records show that a very large per cent., something over 90, became useful and decent people. In Australia they found homes; hope again spread its wings in their breasts. They had different ambitions; they were removed from vile and vicious associations. They had new surroundings, and, as a rule, man does not improve without a corresponding improvement in his physical condition.

FRAUD IN ELECTIONS.

The people are beginning to lose confidence in elections; the people are beginning to say, "Fraud controls, rascality elects," and the moment that suspicion is well lodged in the minds of the people then they will have no respect for the laws made by men elected by fraud. They will have no respect for the decision of judges when they believe the judges were elected by fraud, and then comes the dissolution of our form of Government; and then comes the destruction of human liberty for a hundred years. Every Republican should make up his mind to be a perpetual sentinel of the ballot-box; every Republican should make up his mind that, so far as was in his power, an illegal vote should never again be cast in this country. We fell into it; it took a long time but we got there. In the the first place, in the cities no man was allowed to vote who came from a foreign country until he had been here five years. They began allowing them to vote when they had been here four, and if the Democratic party did, probably the Whig party would have done it if the forigners would have voted the Whig ticket. But they wouldn't. After a while they allowed them to vote in three years, in two years, and it was not long until they met them at Castle Garden and marched from the ship directly to the polls. All over our country we have had a contest with regard to the removal of county seats, when all the people at one side of a county were for removal, and the north side would hear that the south side was going to cheat, and the south would hear that the north was going to cheat, and as a result both cheated. And thus day by day, little by little, the sanctity of the ballot-box has been

destroyed, and that party was considered the smartest party that could get in the most illegal votes and get them counted. All that must be stopped, or this country cannot endure, and it is the mission of the Republican party to stop it.

STATE SOVEREIGNTY.

Now there is one other thing, and nothing can by any possibility, in this country, be more important. The great difference to-day between the Democratic and Republican party is that the Democratic party believes this is a simple confederation. The Democratic party

believes in what we call State sovereignty, and the Republican party proclaims this country to be a nation, one and indivisible. There is the difference. The South believe this is a mere confederacy, and they are honest; they were willing to fight for it; they are willing to fight for it now; they are willing to commit frauds for it; they are willing to use tissue ballots to substantiate it, and they believe it. Now the question with us is whether we will put a party in power, knowing as we do know, that the principal part of that party absolutely believe in the doctrine of State sovereignty. They believe in the sacredness of a State line. In old times, in the year of grace 1860, if a man wished the army of the United States to pursue a fugitive slave, then the army would cross the State line. Whenever it became necessary to deprive some human being of a right, then we had a right to cross State lines; but whenever we wished to strike the shackles of slavery from a human being, we had no right to cross a State line. In other words, when you want to do a mean thing you can step over the line, but if your object is a good one you shall not do it.

This doctrine of State sovereignty is the meanest doctrine ever lodged in the American mind. It is political posion, and if this country is destroyed that doctrine will have done as much toward it as any other one thing. lieve the Union one absolutely.

I be

The Democrats tells me that when I am away from home the Government will protect me; but when I am home, when I am sitting around the family fireside of the Nation, then the Government cannot protect me; that I must leave if I want protection. (Laughter.) Now, I denounce that doctrine. For instance, we are at war with another country, and the American Nation comes to me and says: "We want you." I say: "I won't go.' They draft me, put some names in a wheel, and a man turns it and another man pulls out a paper, and my name is on it, and it says:

"Come." So I go

When the war is

Now,

let us admit that

(laughter), and I fight for the flag.

over, I go back to my State.

back to my State.

the war had been unpopular, and that when I got to the State, the people of that State wished to trample upon my rights, and I cried out to my Government: "Come and defend me; you made me defend you." What ought the Government to do? I only owe that Government

allegiance that owes me my protection. Protection is the other side of the bargain; that is what it must be. And if a Government ought to protect even the man that it drafts, what ought it to do for the volunteer [A voice, That's it!"], the man who holds his wife for a moment in a tremulous embrace, and kisses his children, wets their cheeks with his tears, shoulders his musket, goes to the field, and says, "Here I am to uphold my flag." [Applause.] [Applause.] A Nation that will not protect such a protector is a disgrace to mankind, and its flag a dirty rag that contaminates the air in which it waves. [Applause.] I believe in a Government with an arm long enough to reach the collar of any rascal beneath its flag. [Laughter.] I want it with an arm long enough, and a sword sharp enough, to strike down tyranny whereever it may raise its snaky head. I want a Nation that can hear the faintest cries of its humblest citizen. [A voice, "That's it!" and applause.] I want a Nation that will protect a free man standing in the sun by his little cabin, just as quick as it would protect Vanderbuilt in a palace of of marble and gold. [Applause.] I believe in a Government that can cross a State line on an errand of mercy. I believe in a Government that can cross a state line when it wishes to do justice. I do not believe that the sword turns to air at a State line. I want a Government that will protect me. I am here today-do I stand here because the flag of Illinois is above me? I want no flag of Illinois, and if I were to see it I should not know it-I am here to-day under the folds of the American flag for which more good, blessed blood has been shed than for any other flag that waves in this world.