VOL. VII.

NO. 4

A

CCORDING to ideas which have

been industriously inculcated into our understanding from school books at an age when we were very susceptible to impressions, we should ever remember that we are supposed to have an implacable enemy across the water, an enemy who was once fighting us because we were rebels, when we "licked" him most gloriously. We, indeed, cannot be too thankful that in the providence of God we then obtained our independence and thereby allowed liberal ideas to prevail, which in time had a reflex action on our enemy himself in his own country, though by the blundering of men at that time, not of Providence, we hindered the formation of a greater nation than America is to-day, with its seat in this western land, perhaps, but which Providence in its own. good time will surely bring to pass.

What we do not learn from school books and what we try to prevent ourselves from knowing in more mature years is this:

In that family quarrel referred to, we were in rebellion, not against the whole family, but against a half-witted or crazy head of the family, who was clearly in the wrong. He was then known to be in the wrong by many of his own family at home. The rebel was thought to be in the right. This prevented the said parent from chastising us to the extent of his ability. From that cause alone we were able to carry our point, outside of the interference of others, who had their own axes to grind and at the most gave almost perfunctory assistance, leaving us to our own resources when it suited their own purpose. Had our relations at home been united, America would probably be a part of the British empire to-day. It was not our own choice to leave the family, and we took the step unwillingly. When finally those who thought us in the right interfered and said that the nonsense had gone far enough and the boy should be allowed to have his own way, the methods of parental disci

pline in the course of years were so changed that other children were glad to stay at home of nights. Had we had half such a chance, we would not only have remained in the family but would have set up our own house as the main establishment, taking the old people home with us to board and to keep them out of mischief in their declining years.

This change in methods did not take place at once. When angry passions are aroused they do not readily subside on either side, but they would all be things of the past to-day were it not for one other circumstance. Another distant relation in the family, a very self-willed and opinionated member, who had lived just across the way from the old lady, his name is Patrick, has had troubles with his motherin-law, and to get a better chance to air his opinions he has come to pay us two visits annually, of six months' duration each. In fact he has now lived with us so long that he thinks himself a member of our family. most things he is an excellent, jolly good fellow to have in the house, if he would only forget his old troubles and not insist that every one of our numerous family should back up his quarrel, a quarrel which ought to have been forgotten long ago, even as ours should be. He gives neither us nor his mother-in-law rest by day or night. If he would confine himself to fighting her fair and square, face to face, it would not be so bad, but he sometimes forgets himself. Whenever she has other enemies to face, he is ever ready to take advantage of the unpro

In

tected rear to attack in a most undignified way. This is the more to be regretted, for, as a rule, he is a chivalrous fellow. Usually he would as soon as not hit anybody a crack with his shillalah for insulting an old lady.

Nor is it to this gentleman's advantage to have us forget our old, old troubles with the one against whom he is in opposition. To influence us he sometimes circulates false statements concerning the old lady and her character, and makes us believe them, for he is very plausible. But what we do not see is that this scrap, otherwise than as an interesting exhibition, should concern us who have been born and bred in what is now our own old homestead on this side of the

water.

Our school books, to drop the figure, do not take particular pains to teach our children that intelligent Englishmen to-day believe that Lord North and George the Third committed the greatest folly of the age. What our school books do not teach, also, is that the descendants of these people against whom we once rebelled, are still our nearest relations, nearest in geographical proximity, blood ties, language, ideas, religion, morals, and government. These may not figure to turn the balance in their favor, but selfish. interests should, and we are not taught as we should be that these interests are identical, that what affects one affects both, for good or ill. We are each other's best customers in trade. Why should we let unlimited prejudice, augmented by interested people, blind us to our own best interests? On the

other side there is now a peculiar friendly feeling which has never existed before. We should be quick to take advantage of such an opportunity. The people of England to-day do not know that there is such an amount of ill feeling toward them in this country. Why should there be? What is the cause?

The despicable English "cad," whom every one hates, undoubtedly does exist, and we come across him frequently in our globe travels. But we should no more take him as a type of the Englishman of to-day than we should consider as an American type the rowdy, bullying, vulgar American abroad, and he is more abroad than at home, with whom we would not associate here, and whom we are ashamed to call an American abroad.

The public press in the United States is largely responsible for this state of public opinion, and as it is largely a political press its opinions are largely influenced by the Irish element, who are born politicians. The Irish vote is a consideration in American politics. An American without personal friends in England has little chance to see the inner private life of the conservative English family of to-day. He gets his ideas of England from the English hotels which are mostly patronized by Americans or Europeans. It was to try to remedy this in part that not long ago a few thinking Englishmen in London, who found that some distinguished American visitors had very erroneous ideas of England, started a little society, called the At

lantic Union, which had for its object, among other things, to increase the facilities of the American visitor for observation in private, or social, life.

In course of time, some Americans who had noticed the advantages which this plan afforded, thought that there should be an American society to aid in this work, not of Englishmen living on this side, but of distinctive Americans, who could, by fostering friendly relations, do themselves and their country much good. The conditions here, however, were different. An Englishman visiting in this country can more readily enter American society, than an American can enter private life in England. Our inner life is more open to inspection. For the American society there were other opportunities for fostering friendly

ties.

Such was the origin of the Transatlantic Society of America, a society in which only natural born or naturalized citizens of the United States can be active members. It is now over two years of age. It was founded in the city of Philadelphia, the place where the original rebellion was consummated, and it is hoped that this same city will thus have inaugurated a moral and social movement of far reaching import for strengthening the natural sympathies which should exist between England and America, a movement fraught with high possibilities and limited only by geography and the vigor of the Anglo-Saxon type of

race.

The Transatlantic Society started in

a very modest way. It had no very large programme at first, but it was thought as a social entertaining factor it might at some distant day need a club-house. This would mean that it might be necessary to hold property, and if so, it might be well to incorporate at starting, though an unincorporated society at first would be just as useful. An application for a charter was accordingly filed in court.

In the original call for a meeting of organization, the following phrase had been used: "for the purpose of strengthening the political, social, and commercial bonds between the United States and the United Kingdom and her colonies." This phrase was reproduced in the application for a charter, and the word political was inadvertently used after it had been discussed and eliminated as liable to be misunderstood. The word was originally used, but not in the sense in which it was afterward understood. There had been no great importance attached to it. It was thought that there might be questions pertaining to public policy, or even the science of government, in connection with which the good offices of the society might be used to advantage. There was no thought of furthering an entangling political alliance, of which most, if not all, of the members of the society would not approve. The question of a political alliance, offensive and defensive, had, however, already been in the public mind, and it had aroused much opposition. Immediately on filing the application in court, and as soon as the necessary advertising had been made

public, a storm of protest arose. It had been hoped that this unimportant charter, unopposed, might be granted by the court without reference to a master, which involved the expense of hearings. Two sets of exceptions were at once filed in court, which necessitated a contest, reference, and a number of hearings. One of these sets was filed by a lawyer who was said to be an Irishman and to represent Irish societies, of which, however, no proof for or against has ever been presented. The other set of exceptions came from a lawyer, who, though living at some distance from Philadelphia, took the trouble to file them. He was said, also without proof at any time, to represent German organizations. In addition to these, two very eminent and conservative counsellors of the Philadelphia bar thought proper to appear at the hearings and if possible prevent the granting of the char