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fore the assistance of the other States would be unnecessary. But it must be remembered, that a general revolt is not very likely to occur without the instigation and succour of some foreign power; and in that case, the assistance of the other States would soon be essential. Remote as a general revolt of the slaves now appears to the whites of the southern States, they cannot deny that it is likely sooner or later to arise. It therefore becomes the duty of American statesmen, to ascertain how far such a matter is likely · to affect the general interest of the United States. Probably they will find that it is not so unimportant as is generally supposed. One thing is clear, namely, that the Haytians must feel a hatred to all those governments which uphold slavery, and more especially to the government of the United States, which has acknowledged the independence of the Spanish colonies, and refused to perform the same act of justice to them, notwithstanding their much greater claim.

It would be improper to finish this chapter, without adverting to the probability of some of the British provinces being added to the Union. It must be the wish of the American government, not only to have the free navigation of the St. Lawrence, but to secure New Brunswick and

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Canada, to prevent future hostility from those quarters, and to allay those jealousies which must arise so long as they continue separate. On the other hand, Great Britain will be reluctant to forego the supposed advantages of those extensive possessions, while the inhabitants may justly doubt whether they would benefit by the change. The influence of the Catholic clergy, which is very great in Lower Canada, would be exerted to prevent it, they having a dislike to the republicanism and protestantism of the United States, and a natural fear, that the alliance between their church and the government would cease, if the measure should be carried. In Upper Canada reasons of policy would operate to make the colonists distrust its expediency. Still it would be absurd to suppose, that Great Britain will be able to maintain her authority for ever; and as the three provinces I have named, and probably. Nova Scotia, are sufficiently populous and powerful to exist independent of the mother country, it appears to me that it would be the interest of the latter to cede them to the United States for a proper compensation. If from any unforeseen cause, the colonies should resist the power of England, they would of course solicit, and most likely obtain, the co-operation of the United States. Under such circumstances, a war to keep

them in subjection would be uncommonly expensive, and almost certainly disastrous.

As to Mexico, California, and the West India islands, being added to the Union, a circumstance which some of the Americans are pleased to anticipate, the probabilities are so remote, that it is not worth while to examine them. Yet it must be admitted, that few things in government are more delightful, than a federal head to settle all differences between rival states. If the European governments had such a tribunal equitably constituted, how much war and bloodshed would be prevented! Penn suggested something of this kind, and Louis XIV. conceived the idea of effecting such an establishment, only that he wanted France to be at the head of it. If in a more enlightened age it should be adopted, it will be to the example of America that the world will be indebted for it.

I have often been rather surprised that Dean Swift, who is so unmerciful on regal governments in his Blefuscu and Lilliput, should not have aimed a blow at republics in his philosophical island of Laputa. What a fine subject for satire he might have found in the flattery which is of fered to the people by their elected chiefs! As

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Pericles used to enlarge before the Athenians on their love of liberty, so the demagogues and even the Presidents of America will condescend to court popularity by reminding the people of their possessing the sovereignty of the country. By jugglery and fawning being incessantly employed by the leaders, the sequacious herd have learnt that disposition to extol their bravery and virtue, which has excited such disgust in the minds of foreigners, but which, though often mentioned, is still as conspicuous as ever. cated persons have also taken the infection, which has manifested itself in their extravagant eulogiums on the country and its government. Thus in one of the Addresses before the Pennsylvanian Agricultural Society, it is asserted, that the only distinction known in the country is that between virtue and vice! The illative position from this is, that slavery does not exist in America, and that the free blacks are admissible and admitted into all the public offices. Would that the government merited the character which this writer has bestowed on it! Yet in spite of all that may be urged against it, it is entitled to admiration and respect, as the fragrance of the rose delights notwithstanding the thorns that encompass it.

CHAPTER XXVII.

POLITICAL PARTIES.

DURING the contest of the colonies with England, there were two parties, the one favourable to a settlement of the differences between them without a disruption of the connection, the other bent on an unqualified separation. After the Independence was effected, two other parties were formed, which with modifications still remain. They assumed, or had bestowed on them, the names of Democrats and Federalists. The Democrats espoused the cause of France, the Federalists that of England, in the subsequent contest between the two powers; and it required all the energy and talent of Washington to prevent the nation's offering assistance to France; a measure which must have been most injurious to America. The Democrats had conceived the idea, that the French in assisting the Americans to throw off the authority of England, had been actuated by the love of liberty, not perceiving that the influential motive was jealousy and hatred of England. Accordingly, after the overthrow of the Bourbon dynasty, and the forma

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