War Department will certainly follow its dictates. If, however, for the sake of argument, the Cabinet decides that we must evacuate within, say, ten days, and we find that, for strategic reasons, so rapid a withdrawal is impracticable, we shall follow our own ideas in regard to the question of time. It should also be remembered that we are far better informed with regard to foreign affairs than is the Foreign Office, as we have men abroad who live in foreign countries for decades, where the diplomats remain only for years, and our resources for obtaining information are far more complete."

This is literally true. The military men have at their command vast funds, while the diplomatic service is constantly cramped for lack of such, and even the latest budget reduces the already scant appropriations allowed it. Thus, while it is the popular thing to rail at the weakness of the Foreign Office, it is obviously difficult for that service, even though it contains many good men, to compete with the army with its Fortunatus purse. The Navy Department presents still another aspect. It is extremely reactionary, a bewildering tangle of bureaucratic inefficiency, in striking contrast to the machine-like efficiency of the army. "Administratively the navy is still in the seventeenth century," said a bright young official with much foreign experience to whom I gave my impression. "It contains a number of up-to-date young men, who will some day bring it up to a modern standard; but a lot of old fogies will have to die out first."

Under these circumstances, it would seem difficult at first blush to understand why the Japanese public storms at army increases, why it condemns the expenditure of lives and money in Siberia, proposed increases of the forces in Korea, and similar army measures, while at the same time it declares its willingness to shoulder the gigantic expense involved in the creation of the proposed new navy, the so-called "eight-and-eight" programme, which is to amount during the coming fiscal year alone to 499,000,000 yen, as against the 263,000,000 yen proposed for the army.

That this sentiment is found among the great masses of the people, who, having no power of political expression, do but little thinking of their own, is easily understood, since the sensational press constantly points to America as the potential enemy, and this in spite of the gathering clouds in Siberia, which, unless the present course of events changes direction materially, is bound to cause a conflict between Japan and Russia, when a fleet will be of small value, whereas the army will be faced with the vital task of keeping the Bolshevik flame away from the Korean tinder.

The opinion of hoi polloi at present counts for little, however. It is the voice of big business which is potent.

Those in control of the nation are rapidly turning from the temple of Mars to that of Mammon, and it is because the navy rather than the army is a suit

IMPERIAL DIET OF JAPAN ADDRESSED BY PRIME MINISTER HARA "The growth in the strength of the political parties," says Dr. Yoshino, of the Imperial University at Tokyo, "threatens the Elder Statesmen and the militarists" able tool for the future planned by the tirely from an agricultural into a manufinanciers that the former has become facturing nation. the favorite child.

Manufacture and creation of a great export trade have become the ambition of Japan. The Spartan patriotism of the days of the great Meiji and his group has given way to the seeking of pleasanter rewards of trade. The day when the individual submerged his ego in the common quest for greater glory for the Empire has been replaced by self-seeking individualism, when men place their own gain first and look upon the advance of the state as the means and not the end. Furthermore, the money powers, which more and more are coming into control of the steering gear of the Empire, realize that the world no longer countenances ruthless conquest by the sword; so where they cannot go over they go around, and, giving up the idea of political dominance over contiguous parts of Asia, they are content to let others look forward to enjoyment of the empty shell of government, as long as they themselves have the meat of the raw-material resources contained within these territories. Here lies the secret of the haste with which Japan is building her commercial fortifications in Shantung, Manchuria, and, more recently, in East Siberia and Saghalien, with their resources of minerals, food, timber, etc.

Realization of this plan involves not so much political conquest of territory as command of raw materials. The former being impractical under the new code of morals adopted by the world, the latter affords the logical means for salvation. Japan's position is becoming like that of England. She has obtained a merchant fleet with which to bring raw materials to her factories and to carry the finished products to market. Like England, Japan will be at the mercy of any Power which can blockade her and shut off raw materials and food supplies from the outside. The war taught Japan several lessons, and not least of these was that demonstrated when danger of success of Germany's submarine campaign brought home to England the fact that her very existence depended upon the efficiency of her fleet. Here, rather than in any hope of aggressive campaigning, lies the reason for Japan's willingness to sacrifice for the sake of her navy.

It is thus easy to understand that even the most avaricious captain of industry is ready to support the great fleet programme, for his future safety depends thereon. The manner of the exercise of his influence on the Government is, however, unique to Japan and is based Japan has good reason for her activi- on a difference in ethics between the ties. While the constant cry of her East and the West which the latter finds overcrowded islands is exaggerated to it hard to understand or condone, namely, the extent that the home country still the placing of political leaders in finanaffords room for a number of millions cial dependence on the great merchant in Hokkaido and in certain other un- houses which control the Empire's comdeveloped sections, development of these merce and finance, and the utter content affords only a postponement of the day on the part of the greater part of the when Japan will be compelled to find nation that this be so. Public office in a means for providing for her surplus Japan is miserably paid. The Premier's population. Shut off from emigration annual salary is but $6,000, and the to other countries bordering on the other Cabinet officers are paid in proPacific, she has no choice but to con- portion. A political career, with its dense the teeming millions within her banquets and multitudinous other ob' own borders by changing her nature en- gations, is enormously expensive, a

.

one but a very rich man may succeed without material support from wealthy backers. "Geisha politicians" the vernacular press calls them; men who, like the butterfly charmers, are kept, in return for favors, by plutocratic patrons, and, while a few leaders manage to remain independent-Premier Hara, for instance, is said to be so the scandal of the last session of the Diet was significant. Then, when the Opposition,

seizing a political opportunity rather than from any excess of virtue, quoted chapter and verse to show how Cabinet members had taken flagrant advantage of their positions for purposes of personal gain, they produced sufficient smoke to indicate that some truth lay in such allegations, even though the control which the Government party had in the Diet was abused to defeat the demand for an investigation.

The soldier remains apparently dominant in Japan, while the navy is nearing the day when it will possess a tonnage heretofore only dreamed of, but it is to neither of these that the world must look when it seeks to forecast the future policies of Japan; it is big business, grown into full strength through its Danae-like experience during the war, which will direct the destinies of the Empire.

P

REMIER HARA, of Japan, says: "The statement that Japan is building a navy against an imaginary foe, and that that foe is the United States, is fantastic nonsense."

"Even when her present programme is completed," added the Prime Minister, "Japan's naval strength will still be far less than would be required for an attack on the United States. . . . The purpose of our construction is very clear and simple-to defend our coasts and commerce, nothing more. . . . While other Powers continue to expand their navies Japan cannot afford to weaken hers. If the others agree to stop, no country would enter on such an agreement more gladly than would Japan."

In the same spirit, Japan's alleged attempt to compete with the American Navy is called "absurd and preposterous" by Admiral Kato, of the Japanese navy and Minister of Marine in the Japanese Cabinet. He emphasizes the fact that Japan's project to have eight battleships and eight battle-cruisers not more than eight years old is not necessarily irreducible. He intimates that if all the naval Powers would agree to a "naval holiday" 'he would be willing to enter on such an engagement and would not insist upon the completion of the Government's naval programme. He adds: "The Japanese Government joined the League of Nations, and in so doing supported the principle of the reduction of armaments. Whenever there is an international conference on armament reduction, I will be only too glad to co-operate with other Governments to give effect to this principle."

So much for the Government's attitude. Now for the people's..

"The 8-8 plan involves further increase of already intolerable taxes, and at the same time cripples every other movement for national welfare," objects Yukio Ozaki, ex-Minister of Justice. Moreover, as he says:

To devote fifty per cent of a nation's total expenditures for its army and navy is an example unparalleled in the history of the world. This policy is causing serious diplomatic, political, and economic friction and is isolating Japan from the rest of the civilized world. Japan is inevitably suspected as a militaristic nation. This can be corrected only by appropriate deeds. . . . Japan's objective is England and America. But the more we compete with those powerful na

tions, the greater will the disparity become.

Animated by these convictions, last February, in the lower house of the Japanese Parliament, Mr. Ozaki, a member of that body, presented a resolution favoring armament reduction. The resolution was overwhelmingly defeated. This defeat, says Mr. I. Kawakami, a Japanese writer, amazed and disappointed the Japanese people. He proceeds:

Mr. Ozaki of course felt the need of at least a small navy, but realized that naval competition would reduce Japan far below her normal power, because of her scanty resources and industrial capacity. He argued, therefore, even from the standpoint of an adequate defense of the country, that such a naval holiday would be beneficial to Japan. Mr. Ozaki also believes there is no great military Power from which war is to be feared at present. Japan should therefore also greatly decrease her army, or at least should support the League of Nations in plans for general disarmament.

In his own opinion, three facts con

(C) Keystone

KEI HARA, JAPANESE PRIME MINISTER "The statement that Japan is building a navy against an imaginary foc, and that foe is the United States," says Premier Hara, "is fantastic nonsense"

tributed to the defeat of Mr. Ozaki's resolution: (1) His many bitter political enemies. (2) The desire of both parties to gain power in the Cabinet, which can be done only through the favor of the military party. (3) The fact that Parliament does not truly represent the spirit of the people and is not based on universal suffrage.

Mr. Ikuo Oyama, former professor in Waseda University, says in the "Taikwan" (which is Japanese for "Outlook"):

It is no wonder that Mr. Ozaki's resolution was defeated when we remember that Parliament . . . is representative of nationalism. Proposals for the increase of armaments or for the completion of national defense, so long as they are not alarmingly extreme, will be accepted by Parliament, but we can never expect that a proposition for disarmament will gain the support of a majority. For instance, one of the four planks of the Seiyukai [the political party of which Premier Hara is the head] is "The Completion of National Defense," while the Kensikai [the Opposition] has a similar policy.

Dr. Sakuzo Yoshino, of the Imperial University at Tokyo, also explains as follows: "The growth in the strength of the political parties threatens the Elder Statesmen and the militarists; they are attempting to retain their hold by preventing these parties from making decisions regarding military matters."

Mr. Ozaki, undismayed, carried his propaganda to the people. He lectured in the various universities and large cities. So many came that an admission fee had to be charged. Even then many were turned away from the doors. Straw votes were taken; nine-tenths of those voting favored disarmament in some degree. Even so conservative a daily as the Tokyo "Jiji Shimpo" (Current Problems) was moved to say: "When we realize that the influence of militarism has been a hindrance and a menace both to internal and international policies, it will be seen that the necessity for military reduction is not solely a financial problem."

It is clear, according to this and other Japanese papers, that the Japanese naval programme depends closely on our own. It is also clear that the Japanese people would welcome a conference of Great Britain, the United States, and Japan looking towards an effective

agreement in the direction of a radical curtailment of armaments.

Regarding Mr. Borah's disarmament resolution in the United States Senate, the Tokyo "Yomiuri" (the "Town Crier") recently remarked:

It is fundamentally necessary to arrive at a political agreement among the three countries, with a view to removing international bad feeling. ... In this country, if the present armament competition is to continue indefinitely, financial and economic pressure may drive people towards Bolshevism. . . . If the peoples of Japan, Great Britain, and America

calmly consider the situation, they will find that the present tendency is both foolish and dangerous.

The Tokyo "Nichi Nichi" ("Every Day") concludes:

Japan is only compelled to proceed with the prearranged plan because of the necessity of self-preservation. We believe the case is also the same with Great Britain and America.

But, unless the question of disarmament is solved, no fundamental solution of financial problems is possible. In Japan many important social measures also are sacrificed for the sake of armaments. . . . Even if

no agreement be proposed by America, Japan should take steps to curtail armament expenses.

Another important paper of Tokyo, the "Asahi" (the "Morning Sun"), thus concludes:

Of all the nations, America is making the greatest efforts to enlarge her armaments. As a result, it is America that can most effectively urge disarmament. If such a proposal is made by her, Great Britain and Japan . . . will enthusiastically respond. The first step, therefore, would seem to be "up to us."

NLY a few hours intervened between the arrival of Mr. René Viviani, returning from New York, and the departure of Prime Minister Briand, leaving for London. And Mr. Briand spent these few hours in conference with Mr. René Viviani; this shows the great importance, in the days we are passing through, which the Government of the French Republic attaches to all that comes from America.

Prime Minister Briand also received me for some length of time, and it goes without saying that he spoke exclusively about America. His opinion regarding all things about America is extremely simple.

"I cannot," said he, "conceive any other policy for a French Minister, whosoever he be, than to maintain the closest, the most trusting and affectionate relations with the great sister Republic. I consider as a national calamity any shadow which would come between America and France. And I deem it a national happiness all that unites and brings nearer to each other the two countries. Franco-American friendship is a dogma for me, an unalterable, intangible, and sacred thing.

I told the Prime Minister that this feeling, in my opinion, was reciprocated by nearly all the Americans unanimously; but that it was necessary to express this feeling in its reality., And the reality was that Mr. Viviani and I had found in Washington a certain feeling of surprise at the manner in which the American interests have sometimes been treated, after the peace, and in particular in the Pacific and in the matter of the cables and petroleum.

"America thinks," I said, "that she helped to win the war and that under these circumstances she has a right to see that her interests are not hurt in peace by those with whom she was associated-"

Mr. Briand did not permit me to finish.

1 Copyright by The Outlook Company, 1921.

been responsible for this, but in advance I certify that the mistake has been an involuntary one. No French Minister has ever conceived the idea of harming American interests in any way whatsoever. The rapidity with which I replied personally to the note of the Secretary of State, Hughes, on the Yap question and its mandates is the best proof of our desire to give immediate satisfaction to America each time that she may be brought to express a claim owing to an incomprehensible error."

And Mr. Briand further stated:

"In that house of the Quai d'Orsay, where not a single day passes but some representative or other of a nation of the world enters, there is one person whose entrance is always most welcome to us, and that is that of the American Ambassador. There is no example in the records of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France that there has ever been any painful or annoying incident with the representative of the United States. We always consider him, no matter what Administration be in power in Washington, as a great friend. Mr. Hugh C. Wallace, who is on the point of leaving us, will leave nothing but the regrets of his departure, and Mr. Myron T. Herrick, who is coming back, will find only open hands to receive him.

"This does not only depend on the great industrial power of the United States, which every one holds in respect, but it is because the United States is a great moral power which every one admires. The representatives of America have the right to say that they are speaking in the name of the most disinterested and most generous nation in the whole world-that is a force which dominates all the other forces. . . ."

Thus spoke Mr. Aristide Briand. And truly, I do believe that what the Prime Minister of to-day said to me the Prime Minister of to-morrow would say likewise. America enjoys at the Quai d'Orsay a special treatment-the treatment of the everlastingly favored tion.

Paris, France.

T

As I

ular number of that periodical. had contributed something to that number I was prepared for a complimentary reference to my own contribution. stead, he made appreciative comment on an article by Judge Hoyt, of the Children's Court, in the same number.

In

When I left New York, I asked to have sent to the boat an advance copy of a book by the same author containing this article, with many additional chapters about his experience with children and their parents as they passed in procession through his court.

I should like to call attention to this unique book from the point of view of one interested especially in its conclusions, and, also, of one at the moment passing through the city of Charles Dickens, who, as Judge Hoyt says, "has never been credited with being one of the originators of the Children's Court movement, but who must have dreamed of its realization when he wrote 'Oliver Twist,'" for Judge Hoyt finds the prototypes of those who come in real life before him, or who touch their lives, in the fictional characters of Fagin and Sykes and Monks, of Nancy and Bumble and Mr. Brownlow, of Magistrate Fang and Mr. Grimwig. But whatever credit Judge Hoyt may allot, and rightfully, to Charles Dickens, it is pertinent to add that except for the practical service of Judge Hoyt, and such as he, there would be nothing but literary credit to give to Charles Dickens for his "Oliver Twist."

The book bears the title "Quicksands of Youth." But it is by no means a geography of moral morasses in New York City such as an urban social engineer might make, with maps showing particular areas of peril. It should have a more hopeful title, for it has to do chiefly with deliverance from evil and not with sloughs of temptation. There is a classical song of deliverance composed by a prophet who sat as a judge beneath a palm tree in Palestine. But Judge Hoyt's recital of incidents illustrative of "eighty per cent of success as against twenty per cent of failure" in child probation cases is a more hopeful prophecy and with no unseemly or vengeful rejoicing in it. It would be quite as profitable for the average citizen to read the chapter on Harry Samuels, "A Recruit for Law and Order," and the sequel chapter, "Twenty Months After," as to read the fifth chapter of the Book of Judges, beautiful as the latter is.

1 Quicksands of Youth. By Franklin Chase Hoyt, Presiding Justice of the Children's Court f the City of New York. Charles Scribner's ns, New York, 1921.

So, I say, Judge Hoyt (who, when I first knew him, was, as I recall, a Mayor's secretary at the City Hall) has, no doubt from a sense of modesty as to his own service, chosen a title of this consequential book that does not give intimation of its salvaging content. For the Children's Court, whose operation it describes, not by explaining the machinery, but by showing the changes worked in the lives of the children whom it touches, does, in a more literal sense than that in which Wordsworth pictured the "shades of the prison house," prevent their "closing in upon the growing boy." The spirit of this

Court, which has happily, as I know from my own observation, found incarnation in its Judge, does not only say, "Come, take my hand, and I will lead you out of the shadows, back again to the kingdom of youth," but it actually does, with common sense, patience, and intelligent open-eyed sympathy, lead many a youth back to that firm ground which is his kingdom out of the quicksands. If it were a sentimental, ineffective tribunal ready to condone every fault, it would be, as the author says, as little helpful to the children, and so to the community, as a court would be that had no other purpose than the punishment of every offense. As it is, the cases are as closely and as scientifically studied as if the Court were a hospital. Every case is a concrete problem.

The general reader will, however, not

PRESIDING JUSTICE FRANKLIN C. HOYT, OF THE NEW YORK CHILDREN'S COURT The illustration shows Judge Hoyt talking with a juvenile offender in the private examination room of the Children's Court Building. The cases are first tried in the main court room, with every observance of legal formality and etiquette. The presiding justice then appears in judicial robes, and the young offender instinctively feels the power and majesty of the law. If the delinquent is not at that time dismissed, he is remanded to the care of a welfare society or probation officer, and Judge Hoyt's relation to the case becomes personal and intimate like that of a "big brother." "Quicksands of Youth" tells some of the absorbing stories of this fraternal or paternal relationship. Judge Hoyt, by the way, is a grandson of Salmon P. Chase, who Chief Justice, of the United States Supreme Court by appointment of Abraham Lincoln

was

take up this work for such information. He will as soon go to the annual reports of the Probation Commission. But I am able out of my own experience to assure the reader that if he does take up this book he will not put it down until he has finished it, so full is it of hopeful, humorous, and appealing incident. I have had a like experience with another book in the same week-Secretary Lansing's. But I had more hope for the "amending of the earth" when I finished Judge Hoyt's.

Lest some of the readers of this brief appreciation may not see the little book itself, I summarize its conclusions reached through the divination of one who has looked into the hearts of neglected, misguided, unhappy children in a great city.

These conclusions put society under probation, requiring it, if it is to escape inevitable punishment, to give every child "protection, education, health, and the pursuit of happiness," so far as it is in the power to do so.

1. Protection is the right to a "normal, decent, and sympathetic home," and is the "right to be safeguarded against corrupting influences and debasing environments."

2. Education is something beyond the three R's and under the "very best of

teachers." Especially are religious training and moral training by parents and ecclesiastical advisers to be emphasized, for Judge Hoyt adds, "If our experience in the Children's Court has proved one thing, it is that religion is essential to the training of children, and that no lasting good can be achieved when their spiritual development is neglected."

3. Health; and here he lays stress upon instruction in the laws of sex hygiene, saying that "if any one should doubt the wisdom of giving such instruction, let him come to the Children's Court."

"We might

4. Pursuit of happiness. as well realize," says the Judge, "that, whatever we may do, children are going to join in the universal quest for happiness and pleasure as one of their rights. It is for us, therefore, to see that they are properly guided in their search for recreation and are taught to find enjoyment in the finer things of life."

These are not new auguries. The teachers who daily look into the hearts and minds of children have been uttering like conclusions. But they come with especial force from this judicial haruspex who has made an independent examination of the omens. London, England.

BIOGRAPHY FOLKS. By Victor Murdock. The Macmillan Company, New York.

are

These papers might be compared to or rather contrasted with Dickens's "Sketches" and Thomas Fuller's "Holy and Profane State." They are like them only in being psychological miniatures, vivid, pictorial, sketchy. They thoroughly American, with the characteristic breezy atmosphere of a MidWestern town in the early days of its existence. If they are fiction, they are realistic fiction; if fact, they are epic history; if photographs, they are artistically colored photographs. They are apparently fact and fiction so ingeniously mixed that the reader cannot tell what is fiction and what fact, what imagination and what memory, and we doubt whether the author himself can tell. They are entertaining and more; they are inspirational. The author reports Lew Wallace as saying of the "boom articles" in the paper which his father edited that "every line had a drum and fife in it." The drum and fife have been inherited by the son. GIOVANNI DELLA ROBBIA. By Allan Mar

quand. Princeton Monographs in Art and Archæology, VIII. The Princeton University Press, Princeton.

Professor Marquand has added another to his monographs on the Robbia family. He now discusses the work of Giovanni della Robbia. Giovanni was less original than was Luca or Andrea. Doubtless Giovanni was strongly dependent upon Verrochio and other contemporary sculptors. But Giovanni's works, as we see through the medium of this scholarly volume, were suffi

ciently impressive. Professor Marquand follows his previous system in giving to us a catalogue of the sculptor's works, and this catalogue constitutes the body of the monograph; it is followed by a suggestive bibliography. There are brief biographical and critical comments. The book is excellently illustrated. It is of particular value to those students of the history of art specially interested in tracing the transition of the chaste lines of the early periods of sculpture to the robuster if less inspiring and more melodramatic lines of later ages.

ESSAYS AND CRITICISM NEW ENGLAND GROUP AND OTHERS. By Paul Elmer More. Shelburne Essays. Eleventh Series. Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston.

Catholic in his interests, conservatively progressive in his judgments, neither radical nor reactionary in his temperament, keenly critical in his analyses, constructive in his purpose, Mr. More's essays are well worth reading as introductions to the authors of whom he treats. He is luminous without being brilliant and judicial without being dull.

TRAVEL AND DESCRIPTION CRADLE OF THE DEEP (THE). An Account of a Voyage to the West Indies. By Sir Frederick Treves. Illustrated. E. P. Dutton & Co., New York.

This is a new printing of Sir Frederick Treves's well-known and well-liked book about a voyage to and among the West Indies. The interest of the narrative is in the lively and graphic résumé of the history of the islands rather than

RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY CHRISTIAN PREACHER (THE). By Alfred Ernest Garvie, M.A., D.D. (International Theological Library.) Charles Scribner's Sons, New York.

This volume should be useful to many a preacher. It deals with the choice of subjects and texts, the contents, character, arrangement, composition, and delivery of the sermon. The book is charged with simple, practical counsels. LIFE INDEED (THE). A Review, in Terms of Common Thinking, of the Scripture History Issuing in Immortality. By John Franklin Genung, Late Professor of Literary and Biblical Interpretation in Amherst College. The Marshall Jones Company, Boston. After Professor Genung's death this book was found in manuscript among his papers-"his last message crystallized. . . out of a broad and deep life." It is well worth careful, meditative reading by all who care for the life of the spirit. Professor Genung's "Epic of the Inner Life" is a classic, and, as an interpreter of the Bible and of the spiritual life of which the Bible is itself an interpreter, ranks with George Adam Smith's "Isaiah" and Griffis's "Lily Among Thorns." Connecting immortality, as the New Testament connects it, with the life of the spirit, Dr. Genung shows how faith in immortality is brought to light only as that life of the spirit is brought to light. We have faith in immortality when we possess immortality. It is characteristic of him to regard Bible texts as windows and to look through them at the prospect which they open before us. Thus in a single sentence he invites you as it were to lay down his book and think; unless you can do that, it is not a book of much value to you. For example: "He who is, has spelled His name in the letters of human life, has expressed His nature in the terms of human nature, and now we have but to look at it and see if it is not so." Or, again: "The Lord will never acquit a man and say that he did not transgress when he did. . . . But He will forgive, will take the guilt as guilt and cover it up with mercy." Here are two of the profoundest doctrines of evangelical faith embodied each in a sentence, and each sentence an embodiment of a spiritual experience. Throughout, this book is a product of one who had studied not only books but life, the life of the spirit, and reveals and teaches that life as Paul did, "com. paring spiritual things with spiritual." It is not always easy reading; not because it is obscurely written, but because it endeavors to carry the reader into a realm which in this materialist age is to many readers a foreign com