(C) Clinedinst

Mr.

quires. Before the Department of Labor was created and before the office of Commissioner of Immigration existed Congress created a special Immigration Committee to study the subject. Husband served as secretary to this Commission. The hearings and much research as well were incorporated in a report of some thirty or forty volumes. A year or so before the war the Department of Labor sent Mr. Husband abroad to study the sources of immigration, particularly in the ports of Russia. His report of that study is recognized as an important and authoritative contribution to the general subject. With this background, it is not to be wondered at that his appointment should call forth general expressions of approval from all those interested in the perplexing problem of immigration. This selection certainly surprised the politicians.

I

I

S Coblenz a German town or an
American city?

As for me, when I was there lately, there was no doubt whatever it was an American city. In the streets I met none but American boys in khaki; I saw only English inscriptions; I heard only English spoken; I came across nothing but gray automobiles circulating with the same order and the same discipline as on Fifth Avenue. Above all, and from every street corner of the town, I could see on the other side of the Rhine the flag of the Stars and Stripes waving proudly over the legendary fortress of Ehrenbreitstein. . . .

But Coblenz is not only a town that America will have marked with her stamp for many years to come, but it also is the town where the entente between the four Allies-America, France, England, Belgium-will have been the most frank and the most perfect.

When I called on Mr. Paul Tirard, who is the French Commissioner and President of the High Interallied Commission, he said, laughing:

"You know, this is an Interallied Commission of a particular kind; every one always agrees in it and no one ever raises a dispute therein. This is probably due to the presence of Americans and of General Allen. General Allen is not only a great soldier, but he is also a great administrator and a great diplomat. With him ail is easy, everything is clear, and all is simple. It is not only elbow to elbow but heart to heart that we are working here together. Besides, in the entire Rhineland uniformity of measures exists. There is not, according to the sector occupied, a French system, an American system, a Belgian system, an English system; there is one unique Interallied system which we Copyright, 1921, by The Outlook Company.

GENERAL ALLEN, COMMANDER OF THE AMERICAN FORCES IN GERMANY, THE FRENCH, AND THE GERMANS THEMSELVES WANT THE AMERICAN ARMY TO STAY IN GERMANY

apply in perfect agreement and in the same spirit. And this is mostly due to General Allen. Go and see him."

I called on General Allen, who received me in his cabinet, whose windows overlook the Rhine and from which one can see the fortress of Ehrenbreitstein crowned with a large American flag.

General Allen naturally told me jus as many nice things about Mr. Tirard as the latter had told me about General Allen.

"I was," he said, "beside Mr. Tirard the other day when he was publicly receiving the official delegations of the Rhineland, and I can certify that the complaints of the representatives of the German occupied districts dealt only with trifles, such as the billeting of the officers and upon certain restrictions regarding the freedom of the press, while the language used by the French Commissioner was full of equity, kindness, and common sense.

"I can likewise certify that all the tales spread both abroad and in America regarding the excesses supposed to have been committed by the French or the Allied troops on the Rhine are but pure inventions and lies. Each time a complaint is made to us by the German delegate, Herr von Stark, we make a rapid and impartial investigation. Up to now we have found only thirteen cases in which the complaint was based upon fact, and each time we punished the culprits most severely. But what are thirteen complaints for a corps of occupation of ninety thousand men?

"I only wish that all the occupations of foreign territories be as moderate and as humane as ours. I wish that the occupation troops everywhere have the same good conduct as the troops of the Allies in the Rhineland."

I told General Allen that the unanimous and profound desire of all the French was that he would remain still a long time at Coblenz and that the American boys also remain there.

To which he replied:

"I share this wish. And I believe that all the boys share it likewise. The life they are leading here is a healthy, simple life. And it is evident that they do not dislike it, since the greatest punishment I can inflict upon them is to send them back to America by one of the transports which every month takes home the sick and discharged men.

"They are all fully conscious that they are accomplishing a duty here and that they are giving an example. They are accomplishing a duty in accompanying the American flag which, after having taken a share in the war, we have come to plant upon the Rhine, on the highest and oldest fortress of Kaiserism near the flag of the Allies. They give an example, among the foreign troops which are camping here or in the vicinity, of the moderation, good conduct, and the spirit of discipline of the American Army.

"Personally," he said in conclusion, "in my reports to the State Department, I have never ceased requesting that we may be permitted to pursue the accomplishing of this duty and to give this example; I should be infinitely happy if my request be granted."

Thus spoke General Allen. It is now up to Washington to accept or to refuse the request of General Allen and of the American boys on the Rhine. But there is one fact I cannot but help to state,

and that is that for the first time perhaps in the military history of the world we are in presence of an army occupying a foreign territory whose maintenance there is ardently demanded by the inhabitants of the occupied territory, by the soldiers occupying the same, by the Allies, by the neutrals, by every one in general.

America may be proud to obtain such a unanimity on her troops. Happy America!

II

When, at the beginning of this month of May, the news came to Paris that America was once more taking her place in the Council of Ambassadors, in the Reparations Commission, and in the Supreme Council, a veritable wave of great joy passed over political and parliamentary circles. They were even on the verge of putting up the flags!

"This is the best news we have received for months," declared the President of the Republic, who is generally so sparing of declarations.

"Unity of the front of the Allies is re-established as it was during the war," exclaimed Mr. Raymond Poincaré in the corridors of the Senate.

And Mr. André Lefevre, former Minister of War, the head of the Opposition party at the Chamber, one of the men who have at present the greatest influence on the Deputies, was heard to say in public: "We have never had but one real ally, America. We had lost her on the road. We have just found her again."

I quote these words merely to show what an extraordinary importance every one here in France attaches to America's co-operation. I wish to insist upon the fact that those who said this had not the slightest idea of entangling America in all the complications and intrigues of Europe. They were perfectly well aware that America's cooperation can be only a moral one. They did not expect America to send over either men, ships, or money. They merely expected America to convey directions and to give advice. And they were perfectly satisfied with that.

Now that some days have passed, the joy over the American decision has not only remained unchanged but it has perhaps increased; it has become a very strong and very peaceful confidence. And this is particularly evident as regards Poland.

When Mr. Lloyd George delivered his most extraordinary and unfortunate speech recently, which was in truth a veritable attack against Poland, Prime Minister Briand exclaimed:

"All right! The Supreme Council shall decide. But there, at the Supreme Council, we shall not only be three partners to play the game, but-we shall be four. And it is the fourth who will de cide the question."

I saw Mr. Aristide Briand again recently, and he made no difficulty whatsoever to explain his rather enigmatic exclamation to me and to tell me what he thought.

"Poland," said he, "is not only pro

(C) Keystone

GENERAL WEYGAND, MARSHAL FOCH, MAJOR-GENERAL HENRY T. ALLEN, AND STEPHANE LAUZANNE

tected by France, but she is the child of America. She owes her liberation and her birth just as much to America as she does to France. History will do President Wilson justice and say that on this point his vision was great and right. It is he who, one of the first, made the resurrection of Poland one of the peace terms, and at the Peace Conference there was never the slightest difference of opinion between the French delegation and the American delegation on the Polish question. The Americans and we walked hand in hand. This proves more than anything else that the independence of Poland is a right thing. We French people have a direct and political interest that Poland be a free and powerful state. But the Americans, what interest have they, if not one of justice? . . . Mr. Lloyd George has taken a clearly opposite attitude. He dislikes the Poles and does not hide it; this is his right. But it is perhaps not a sufficient reason to prevent the Polish nation from obtaining what is its due.

"In the interpretation of the vote of the populations in Upper Silesia two things stand out clearly: the north of Upper Silesia, where the population

AMERICA, ARBITER OF THE WORLD, "SHE SHOULD DECIDE IN ALL JUSTICE ABOUT POLAND AND UPPER SILESIA,"

SAYS PRIME MINISTER BRIAND

showed a strong majority for Germany in its votes, should go to Germany; the industrial districts of the south, where the population voted in a not less strong majority for Poland, should go to the Poles. But there is an intermediary district in which the votes were very hard pressed, where the country places had a small German majority and the mining districts a small Polish majority.

"The problem is infinitely more difficult to solve there. It must be decided according to justice, and not according to our sympathies or personal tipathie.

an

"It s ems to me that when the tribunal of the Supreme Council will be called upon to pronounce upon this question America must take part in it, and cannot remain silent.

"Whatever be her judgment, all will bow down to it. It is a guaranty for the whole world and for the populations interested that the verdict given will absolutely be an impartial one if America takes part in pronouncing this verdict."

Thus spoke Mr. Briand. He had been one of the first to rejoice at the reentrance of Americans upon the scene of Europe; but he did not expect his joy to be so rapidly realized. No one expected it. The Polish question is one of the numerous world matters in which America can and must make her voice heard and in which she is certain to serve the interests of peace and justice merely by speaking.

F

ROM time immemorial there have been but two theaters of operation for co commerce and war-the water and the land. But within the last decade a heretofore undiscovered sphere has been opened up-that of the air. No nation that expects to hold its own I can afford to neglect its air service. Land and water have been the means of communication up to the present time. To them in the future will be added the highways of the air. Not alone because of its military and naval value, but also because of its potential commercial value, aeronautics must be carefully studied and thoroughly developed by our country.

In all new departures, such as aeronautics, activities tend to be ill considered. In order to avoid this we must, as a first step, establish a consistent Governmental air policy. If we do not do this, we are certain to run into trouble; development will be haphazard and wasteful. We consider but one aspect of a given question, and as a result the ultimate action will often serve but one purpose where it might have served two or more.

In our big cities, especially in the East, the older streets crisscross continually and curve like fish-hooks. I can recall when I first went to Boston coming upon Beacon Street a few blocks after I had left it directly behind me, and as a result almost giving up myself as lost. The reason for this "mix-up" is that there was no city plan when these streets were laid out. They were made as the need arose; sometimes, as one poem says, merely because a cow wandered that way. Our air development will be the same unless we adopt now at its inception a comprehensive Governmental policy.

The air policy should consist of two branches our mercantile policy and our military policy. Under these two broad heads the majority of the existing necessary activities will divide themselves. Though grouped under two heads, there hould be nevertheless the closest kind

of co-operation, for when war breaks, as it will in the future as surely as it has in the past, all activities will be turned to the common end of National defense.

Our country does not believe, in general, in direct subsidies. We have not held it sound for the Government to contribute in cash to mercantile ventures. We have, however, held in numerous instances that what might be termed an indirect subsidy is permissible. In our income tax we allow certain small exemptions for children and dependents, which amounts to nothing more nor less than a subsidy. Merchant shipping is indirectly subsidized by dredging harbors, building docks, maintaining a lighthouse service, storm warnings, channel buoys, radio compass stations, and safeguards and aids of a like nature. Moreover, the tariff is in its nature an indirect subsidy; for by it home industries are permitted to sell their commodities at higher prices than would be possible with the general market of the world opened unrestricted to the purchaser.

Our policy as to mercantile air development should therefore follow the line of indirect aid. We should at once map out and adopt a comprehensive system of National air highways. If we do this, we can establish them in such fashion as to be of use equally for commercial purposes in time of peace and for military purpose in time of war. We will also give to all those who desire to provide capital to establish units for air traffic the assurance that they are expending their money in places where the development is permanent, being Nationally sanctioned. Moreover, there are at this time certain Governmental departments, namely the Navy, War, and Postal, which are expending moneys on their air activities. When National highways are determined upon, these moneys will be spent along a comprehensive scheme and will not be wasted upon places later abandoned.

The Government should furthermore establish navigational aids in the shape

of weather reports, fog signals, landing signals, and lighthouses and beacons along the National air highways. Government and State owned landing-fields and terminal facilities should be provided.

To handle these activities a bureau should be established by the Department of Commerce which should have under its special supervision the activities named above, and such others in addition as the licensing of pilots, manufacturers, and equipment. By placing these grouped activities in the Department of Commerce, which has cognizance of inter-State traffic, the organization already available, with few additions, can take up readily the added work involved. This may be done at a moderate cost and far-reaching results can be obtained.

Another most important step that should be taken immediately is the codification and formulation of a comprehensive code of air laws. At the present time there is little, if anything, along this line. This is essentially a Federal duty, for aircraft moves so fast that most of its work will be inter-State. The need for these laws has been felt already. At the present moment many States have under consideration, and some have already passed, regulatory statutes. Should this continue, an almost unraveled tangle will occur which will seriously impede development.

The next broad feature of our air policy is the military. There should be no united, independent air force; but, on the contrary, bureaus of aeronautics within the departments. In general, military and naval authorities are agreed on this. Generals Pershing and Wood, Admirals Coontz, Sims, and others, the General Staff of the Army, the General Board of the Navy, have all made declarations to this effect. In addition, the equivalent of this idea has been advanced by the most prominent British naval and military authoritiesnamely, Admirals Jellicoe and Beatty and Marshal Haig.

Though the air is a new theater of