of being a Yale man, has spent his life preparing to be one."

JOHN BULL CASTS BREAD

UPON THE WATERS

A

N American has won the British open golf championship. It is true that we had to borrow a native son of St. Andrew's to do the task, but it has been accomplished none the less. Great Britain sent us some years ago Jock Hutchison, who served as a caddie on the famous Scottish links and thereafter became a professional in America. He became an American citizen, and with a group of other professionals journeyed to Scotland in search of the real crown of the golfing world. Others of his team-mates-Carrigan, Barnes, Hagenalso finished well up in the British open championship. Hutchison tied for first place with Wethered, the Oxford amateur, but defeated him decisively in the play-off. In winning the title Hutchison broke the record for the St. Andrew's course for championship play. eight consecutive rounds Hutchison had an average of a fraction over seventyfour strokes, a phenomenal exhibit of consistent brilliancy.

For

It is reported that Hutchison's victory was very popular in Scotland.

Only once before has the trophy emblematic of the British open golf championship left the shores of Great Britain. On that occasion it was carried away for a temporary sojourn in France. So far as open championships in this present year are concerned, honors are easy between Great Britain and America, for an Englishman holds the American trophy and now an American holds the British.

ANOTHER BRITISH TROPHY
AND CERTAIN OF THE
DOMESTIC VARIETY

REAT BRITAIN not only lost her open

G golf championship, but in the same

week the international polo trophy, which she has held since the last contest before the war, also was won by an American team. In two straight games and by decisive scores the American four accomplished this task. A third and exhibition game between the same contending teams also went to the American players by a one-sided score.

The close of the college year brings with it the climax of the rowing season. In the East the two great events are the regatta on the Hudson at Poughkeepsie and the contest between Yale and Harvard on the Thames at New

Underwood

YALE'S NEW PRESIDENT AT PRINCETON'S COMMENCEMENT

In front, Colonel W. M. Libbey, acting as Marshal of the procession; directly behind him, at the extreme left, Dr. James Rowland Angell, President of Yale (who received the honorary degree of LL.D. from Princeton, later receiving the same degree from Harvard), and in the center, Dr. John Grier Hibben, President of Princeton

forced, however, to yield first place to that of the Naval Academy, at Annapolis. California took second honors.

On the Thames it was Yale's turn to triumph, a triumph which was particularly grateful to her sons, for the crew from New Haven broke with its English coach a very short while before the race, and the overcoming of the handicap which resulted from this discord was a matter of rejoicing at New Haven. Although the Poughkeepsie race is certainly a more important event than the race on the Thames so far as National public interest is concerned, the race between Yale and Harvard, no matter what the quality of their crews may be, still remains the greatest rowing spectacle of the year.

THE INCREASINGLY

INTERESTING JAPANESE

THE visit of a delegation from the

tion to the present condition of that parliament.

The Imperial Diet consists of an upper and a lower house. They meet annually. The membership of the upper house is made up of:

(1) Princes and marquises twentyfive years of age or over.

(2) A certain number of elected counts, viscounts, and barons.

(3) Persons not peers, but who have rendered great public service, nominated by the Emperor.

(4) Persons over thirty years old who are among the largest taxpayers, elected by the taxpayers.

The lower house consists of members elected by male citizens who are twentyfive years old or more, who have lived a year in the voting district, and who pay three yen (about $1.50) in direct taxes. Deputies must be at least thirty years old and Japanese subjects.

The recent trend in the Japanese Parliament has been distinctly towards

regatta included among the contestants a remarkably fine crew from the University of California, a crew which was

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Diet.

The present Prime Minister, Kei Hara, is the head of the Seiyukai, the "Political Friends Party." The principal Opposition party is the Kenseikai, or the "Constitutional Political Party." These rivals are similar to our Democratic and Republican parties. The Kenseikai is headed by Viscount Kato, a former Cabinet member. The two parties have been pronounced in their opinions, not only on domestic, but especially on foreign policies.

Again, with regard to the withdrawal of Japan both from the Chinese province of Shantung and from the Russian Far Eastern provinces, as well as with regard to Japan's relations to the Pacific coast land laws, the Opposition in the Diet has endeavored to make its views, wherever possible, divergent from the Government's. Of all these subjects, the one which most nearly concerns us in America is the agreement negotiated by our late Ambassador to Japan, Mr. Morris, and the present Japanese Ambassador to this country, Baron Shidehara. Taking this as a basis, Secretary Hughes is, we understand, broadening and deepening it, doubtless also taking into consideration our attitude on the internationalization of the cable communications in the island of Yap, now assigned to Japan.

"THE BLUE BIRD" IN PEKING

THE Chinese are a very dramatic peo

ple. For centuries one of their chief sources of amusement and instruc

tion has been the traveling theatrical troupe playing either on the permanent open-air stage found in the courtyard of many large temples or on their own portable stage erected with bamboo poles which they carry with them.

It long has been a mooted question whether Western plays could be adapted to China; the doubt has been dispelled not a little by a recent and very successful presentation of "The Blue Bird" by the students of Yenching College, the Women's College of Peking University. The play was given in behalf of the Famine Relief, and received the warm

est and most spontaneous welcome yet granted to any play from the West. Two performances were given to large audiences composed of Chinese and foreigners living in Peking. The occasion was made brilliant by the picturesque costumes and ornate head-dresses worn by the Mandarin ladies, most of whom were seeing for the first time a foreign play which had scenery and in which Chinese young women modestly and graciously took their parts.

Among Chinese students there is a very natural, almost instinctive, sense of the dramatic, which makes it easy for them to interpret their parts with much intelligence, grace, self-confidence, and poise. Usually the Chinese theater does not depend on scenery at all In this presentation of "The Blue Bird” simple scenery was used which, with costumes and "properties," was cleverly adapted to expressing through the medium of Chinese the beautiful symbolism of the play from the West.

The play was translated into Chinese from the English version by Miss Ruth Cheng, a graduate of Yenching College who later completed her advanced work in England. With rare simplicity and feeling, the spirit and charm of the original have been preserved in the translation. It is believed by the wellinformed on the subject that the translator has made a very real contribution to modern literature in China.

The morning after the play a critic in the Peking "Morning Post" said: "This play is a great success. Western plays in China have just begun their vogue, and Yenching College has given such a remarkable performance that it is a glorious beginning to the introduction of Western drama. Apart from the thanks we owe these students for their

efforts in behalf of the famine, it seems we ought to thank them also for their contribution to art."

109

"HIGHLY IMPROPER!"

S

ECRETARY DENBY has adminis

tered the expected public repri mand to Admiral Sims for his "highly improper" conduct and the Admiral has accepted the reproof in good part, with the remark, "I did not know my speech was loaded as much as it was." We all know now that it is not etiquette for a distinguished officer who has done service of the first order for America and England against a common foe to speak in public with scorn of "people who are now trying to destroy the good relations between our two countries," or to make any comparisons in which horses and jackasses figure, or to hope that some time an interEnglish-speaking policy may bring peace and prosperity to the world. Those who think that discipline is higher than patriotism and that blood-brothership in race and shoulder-to-shoulder fighting in the trenches confer no privilege of hearty friendliness are now satisfied. Those who think that Secretary Denby might have approached the matter with more regard for the dignity and respect due a great war leader are almost inclined to thank the Department for giving them a chance to re-read these delightfully improper and stirringly patriotic words again. Officially we must deplore, but as Americans without hyphens we admire.

In fact, we wish that the Secretary had quoted a little more fully than he did from Admiral Sims's talk. If he had, it would have been evident that its tenor was not in the least to express an opinion about British questions-such as how Ireland should be treated. It was to express wrath and contempt for those who traitorously dealt blows from behind when England and America were fighting a common foe and who later have tried to sow dissension between the two countries. Sir Roger Casement at least risked his neck-and lost it; but others saved their skins but were as openly pro-German as they dared be. In his book "The Victory at Sea" Admiral Sims said: "The fact is, that part of Ireland in which the Americans were stationed was a headquarters of the Sinn Fein. The members of this organization were not only openly disloyal; they were openly pro-German. They were not even neutral; they were working day and night for a German victory, for in their misguided minds a German victory signified an Irish Republic."

It was that sort of thing that Admiral

(C) Paul Thompson

Sims had in mind when in his recent speech he spoke of anti-British agitators who are "Americans when they want money but Sinn Feiners when they are on the platform." Whether Ireland shall be a republic, or a dominion, or two dominions, is a perfectly fair question, but those who would involve America in aid of a campaign of assassination are something a good deal more than "indiscreet."

66

THE HOUSE THAT SMILED

"T

HERE are certain thoroughfares," the Young-Old Philosopher said, "which seem to me like rainy days. They are dark and damp and filled with gloom. One never sees a face in the windows, and the shadows fall heavily-the sunlight never quite peers down on the pavement. There is a sense of perpetual darkness. Warehouses are on such streets, with great iron shutters and bolted doors, and one could readily imagine a hold-up here a sinister figure leaping from an alley on an unsuspecting passer-by.

"The curious thing is that such streets are invariably contiguous to pleasant, sunny avenues-just a stone's throw from a park, let us say; and when I go through them I think of certain people of my acquaintance who never by any chance permit themselves to smile, though their neighbors are forever beaming-like the avenue not far away. "Inanimate objects have always seemed animate to me. Houses are individuals; barns are lonely old women

with red hoods over their heads; and if a prim row of brick edifices doesn't remind you of quiet little ladies gossiping in the sun or a platoon of smart soldiers at drill, then you have missed half the fun of life.

"Now, a building can be made to smile just as definitely as a person. You don't believe me? Then walk through a street I know, and I will show you one dwelling that is as stern and forbidding, as bleak and as sober, as the most serious footman who ever foolishly got himself up in a somber livery and thought he was something-or somebody. Its windows are like sealed eyes without lashes. The iron railing in front of it reminds me of a barbaric piece of armor, defying the world to penetrate it. The door is barred all day, and the shades and shutters are drawn in funereal fashion, like thick colored spectacles that conceal the expression of the eyes. One thinks of hideous secrets when he passes such a structure; of a character like Eugene Aram, and the dread he knew.

"Next door to it, brushing elbows with it, is a trim, gay little abode; yet it is built of the same material, is just as narrow, just as tall, exactly duplicating the other in every line. Yet it laughs all day. For at every windowsill there is a box of bright flowers; and just beyond the brilliant curtains of chintz one can sense, if he cannot see, the warm hearth fire, the rows of books. deep armchairs, gleaming candles, and silver-haired old ladies and gentlemen and young and happy folk, all as radiant within as their house is without The tiny brick walk leading to the

406

୮

407

spruce, and the knocker on ies out to you to lift it. The Welcome' upon it-and means when a rosy-cheeked maid out to get the letters that the man leaves-and oh, how many he always has for No. 18!-she smiles in that way which makes you know there is a garden behind the house, for all its hedged-in situation. Peace broods

over it, and the birds swarm to the basin that a kind hand has placed near the pergola, and an old tree peeps in at the back windows every morning to make sure that all is well with the friendly, lovable people who dwell in such serenity and joy.

"Why is it that this house can smile, and the other cannot? Both are occupied. Both know the sound of human footsteps. Then why is one dead, and the other valiantly and gloriously alive? It is because a house takes on something of the spirit and heart and soul of those who dwell beneath its roof. If there are warmth and light in the eyes of the owners, there are bound to be warmth and light in the fireplace. Even on rainy days my cozy little No. 18 is full of sunlight, for it has soaked so much away, stored so much in its corners, that the gloomiest weather cannot rob it of its hoard.

"There are people just like those houses. But it is curious to note one interesting fact: For all its solemn, dim aristocracy, no other house in the row seems to wish to emulate No. 16. A bay-window on the other side is forever looking over enviously at tiny No. .18, as much as to say, 'As soon as I can, I'm going to be like you! And in a short while there will be so many happy imitators of the loveliness of my favorite that No. 16 will topple over and die of shame. And I, for one, will help to carry her shell away; for she is like a grouch at a party-a stiff-necked, sourvisaged old miser who couldn't smile if she wanted to, poor soul!"

In the Western Hemisphere the greatest sea power is that of Great Britain. In the Eastern Hemisphere the greatest sea power is that of Japan. America lies between these two nations. Without any hint of suspicion, it is right for America to be concerned with any arrangement between her neighbors Great Britain and Japan.

Twenty years ago the British thought they detected a desire on the part of Russia for India. To check it, Great Britain made an Alliance with Japan. Japan had just thrashed China, and a few years afterwards won the war with Russia. Japan was evidently a rising Oriental Power.

Ten years ago the Alliance was renewed for a ten-year period. It expires the middle of this month.

Elsewhere in this issue Sydney Greenbie, in special correspondence to The Outlook, gives some reasons for believing that this Alliance is no longer necessary for the welfare of the world.

Opposition to it does not come alone from other nations. There is opposition in the British Dominions. Many loyal subjects of the British Empire feel very strongly that the interests of the British Dominions are so closely identified with the interests of the United States that any alliance, such as the AngloJapanese, which seems to ignore those interests is not to the advantage of the British Empire. As originally agreed to, this Alliance obliged Great Britain to support Japan in any war with any Power (tacitly inclusive of the United States) which might seem to be the aggressor. When the Alliance was renewed, it was changed by the addition of a provision, introduced by Great Britain and accepted by Japan, to the effect that nothing in the Alliance should oblige either contracting party to go to war with any Power with which it had a treaty of arbitration. Inasmuch as Great Britain in the mean time has made a treaty with the United States by which the two Powers agree to refer disputes to an arbitral court,

S

ALLIANCE

EA power is power to control in times of crisis the international highways of the world. It was Britain's sea power, supplemented by that of France and Italy, and finally increased by the United States Navy, that made it possible for the Allies to win the World War. By commanding the highways of the sea a nation may command the access of other nations to the sources of prosperity and even life. It is therefore of the highest importance that any arrangement between nations which involves sea power should be ade in the interests of the whole world.

any sense regarded as hostile to America. Nevertheless the opposition within the British Empire to the Alliance persists. The representatives of the Dominions are urgent in favor of a clause distinctly mentioning America and exempting Great Britain from aiding Japan against America in any possible hostilities.

That such a clause would seem to be unnecessary makes it all the more apparent that the point of view of the British Dominions with respect to Japan and Far Eastern questions is very much like that of the United States.

The fact is that the opposition to the Alliance lies not so much in a fear of

what may happen in case of future hostilities as in the suspicion that the Alliance may prove to be a screen for policies in the Far East that do not have the approval of the English-speaking peoples of the Western Hemisphere.

Americans, Canadians, Australians, and New Zealanders think very much alike on certain great international policies. They do not like methods which nations in the past have used to further their special interests at the expense of weaker peoples. For example, they do not like the drastic way with which Japan some time ago imposed upon China her famous Twentyone Points. They find that that method is quite inconsistent with the sort of policy that was pursued by John Hay. When in 1900 China lay prostrate, John Hay, alone of foreign secretaries, showed himself her friend. He openly insisted upon China's administrative, commercial, and territorial integrity and independence. Now, though not so prostrate, China is really more than ever under the influence of Japan. Russia too is now open as never before to Japan's intelligent and shrewd advances. It is right that Japan should look to the East for her trade and for such expansion as she may legitimately make; but there is a general feeling among the English-speaking peoples of the New World that some of Japan's relations with China and Russia are not the sort that they can indorse. Some of Japan's doings in the Far East have been at least winked at by elements in Great Britain, but are none the less distasteful to the people of the Dominions and of the United States. The Indian part of the British Government, for example, has followed much the same course as Japan in permitting or encouraging the illicit opium traffic. It is such things as these, whether in accord with some elements in Great Britain or not, which the peoples of the New World believe should not be covered up, and which would not be covered up if it were not for the screen of the Alliance.

That the Anglo-Japanese Alliance is no longer needed as a measure of military defense seems clear from facts such as those which Mr. Greenbie in his Special Correspondence mentions. What good purpose can it serve? That is the question which has not yet been answered wholly to the satisfaction of the United States and a large part of the British Empire.

The most prominent field of development during the next quarter of a century is very likely to be the Far East. In that development three Powers will play the principal parts-Japan, Britain, and America. Can Britain do justice to her rôle if her hands are tied? Certainly we do not wish to tie them

to our own. We need no alliance with Great Britain, not even an agreement.

Brothers do not need such things. But we do want the assurance that we are

working for common purposes in the Far East, as elsewhere.

T

HE Dollar is in a dilemma. Europe is clamoring for his assistance; China is sending him an S.O.S. Both Europe and China have been com. mitting suicide for several years. Το whom shall the Dollar rush in rescue? And then, too, we have enough trouble of our own. Our farmers want money, and want it badly. Where is all this coming from? American financiers have it, in a sense, all their own way, and they are moving cautiously. For that reason they have been playing possum for a while in the case of China, telling her that they have plenty of place for their investments, and yet wisely holding up to Europe and America the great demand from China. Now this is going to be no revelation of the workings of frenzied finance. It is merely going to allude to certain factors at work to-day that may involve the average reader if . he has dollars and cents to invest. He ought to know, for those dollars and cents, if they are going to go to China instead of Europe, are also going to decide largely whether the Anglo-Japanese Alliance is going to work or not, and whether Australia and New Zealand are going to remain a real part of the British Empire or not. Frightfully involved, this sounds, but extremely simple.

For the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, whose fate has been in the hands of the British Premiers who have been meeting at the Imperial Conference in London, was a scheme on the part of Great Britain to guarantee the security of her interests in China and India. Since it was first signed two Powers against whom it was formed have disappeared from the Far East-Russia and Germany. As a protective alliance there is no reason for its existence, except to guarantee Great Britain against Japan, and Japan against Great Britain. On the other hand, there is a reason for its non-existence, and that is that Canada, Australia, and New Zealand do not like the alliance. It threatens to undermine their anti-Asiatic policies. But as far as Britain's interests in China go, the Alliance was formed to guarantee the integrity of China and the Open Door. That is, that Japanese Yen and British Sovereign should have full freedom to go to China to earn a living. That was the sum and substance of the Alliance till Russia and Germany were eliminated.

But when I was in Australia and New Zealand I discovered that notwithstand ing these facts they felt that, even with Germany and Russia eliminated from possible sources of conflict, there was still a disconcerting factor for them, and I that factor was Japan. That was openly

avowed and was the reason, largely, why Australia refused to usher in conscription-she wanted some of her men kept at home for use in self-defense if necessary. It seems they hadn't all the confidence in alliances that the undiplomatic are expected to have. And Australia looked to America, seeing that America also guaranteed, without an alliance, the integrity of China and the Open Door for her pet-the Dollar.

In the meantime the Yen was having it all his own way, because the Sovereign and the Franc and the Dollar were very busy doing things in Europe. And, in good Oriental fashion, the Yen was breeding and breeding rapidly. He was going to China by the million and was keeping China's interests and integrity, which all had guaranteed, in a very feverish state-notwithstanding that the Anglo-Japanese Alliance had come into existence with an avowed purpose of maintaining China's interests and integrity. I cannot refer to China's Dollar, because not only is it a so-called "Mex-Dollar," but the whole currency of China needs such serious overhauling that it is somewhat unnamable. And so many Yen were coming in that the poor Chinese "Cash" was getting into worse and worse difficulties.

Now America, not believing in alliances, had an agreement with Japan known as the Root-Takahira Agreement, which, except for the fact that it made no promises to the effect, "My ally, right or wrong, but still my ally," was just like the Alliance. In other words, this agreement realized that an ally could be wrong, and it would not promise to fight for him if he was, and if any misunderstanding arose a talk might clear it up. Otherwise, it also guarantees to China her interests and her integrity. Hence it was an understanding. with Japan that the American Dollar had as much right to earn a living in China as the Yen did.

This at bottom is what the whole Far Eastern problem is; and all the Powers now interested in China have guaranteed to her that the Open Door shall remain open and that no one will interfere with her internal affairs. With the exception of America, no one has ever lived up to this. England has a slice of China; France has; and Japan is aiming at the rest-virtually has it, in fact. Alliances and agreements notwithstanding, China's integrity is rapidly ceasing to be an integer.

Now if that were all there was to it, this article would end. But integers, like the atom, are not easily divided without creating something new. The

atom becomes an electron; but the integer, when a nation, becomes a source of international conflict. Hence it is of the utmost importance that China remain an integer. Something must be done. That something has been done. Another agreement was arrived at, and it is known as the Consortium.

Now the Consortium Agreement, which was signed in New York in October last, was not an idealistic scheme. It simply saw that the future peace of the world depends on how the Powers manage their affairs in China. And those affairs could be managed only by co-operation. China wants money. The Consortium is a plan by which the bankers of the world-the British, French, American, and Japanese-shall pool their loans to China on a twenty-five per cent basis. They have agreed not to let a cent go to China except for reconstruction work that will actually develop the country, such as railways, highway construction, the straightening of rivers, the building or repairing of canals, and last but by no means least, the reorganization of China's currency system. First, last, and all the time, it guarantees the integrity of China and expresses sentiments that promise only the good of China. When, for more than a year, Japan refused to permit her bankers to enter the Consortium until the Powers assured her that Manchuria and Mongolia would be left out of Consortium projects for Japan and Japan alone to squeeze, the Powers refused to consent, as that sounded very much like smashing the integrity of China. Finally, Japan was given assurance that,. in view of the fact that these two Chinese provinces were near her, she would be acknowledged as having certain special interests in them. And the matter was left hanging somewhat im the air. The Consortium was signed..

Well, if that were all there was to it. I would have to end here. But there are still a few little possibilities. However, if the Consortium throws secrecy to the winds and comes out openly and at all times for the principles on which it was formed and under which the sy eral Governments have guaranteed o protect these several banking groups, what use is there going to be for the Alliance? None, so far as the interes ts of the world are concerned. And perhaps, to paraphrase President Wilson's remark about the freedom of the set is, Great Britain and Japan will have say to the world: "Gentlemen, the joke's on us. If the Consortium works in China, there is no need of an al ance." SYDNEY GREENBIE

to