denomination by an anonymous rich man in California, who gave a million and a half for home mission work in the West. Tied to his gift was a reversionary clause, forfeiting the endowment in case the workers and officers of the so- . ciety are not in accord with a creed which he attaches to his gift. The gift had already been accepted by the Home Mission Board before the Convention met, but during the Convention the donor proposed still stiffer credal limitations which had to be accepted by the Convention. The discussion of the question precipitated a tumult. Debate grew acrimonious, and in some instances personal. The vote was in the proportion of three to two in favor of accepting the gift with the credal limitations. Henceforth Baptist mission workers in the West must believe in the "visible return of our Lord." The liberals, after being defeated, forced upon the Convention a consideration of future policy. A committee of about a hundred Baptist men and women, the foremost of the denomination, will bring in a recommendation to the next Convention on endowments that rest upon a credal basis. Many other denominations in America refuse to accept such endowments.

In the investigation of the colleges and seminaries, the liberals seem to have scored a victory. A committee authorized at the 1920 Convention was appointed to smell out heresy in these institutions. The main body of the committee brought in a somewhat compromising report, while a minority report was brought in by Mr. Franklin Sweete. The minority report was out and out liberal. Both reports were received and filed without being adopted. A nasty fight was in this way avoided. The conservatives want the control of these institutions turned over from selfappointed boards to the denomination and a credal measurement of each professor instituted annually.

Many Baptist ministers chafe under the new ecclesiastical authority vested in the New World Movement, which last year collected in cash over twelve millions for Baptist enterprises and which has secured pledges for fifty-seven millions toward a hundred-million fund. However, the vast majority favor limitations of liberty which may be involved in increasing the efficiency of the denomination.

The Social Service Committee pronounced vigorously against bad dance halls and impure movies. The Committee on Evangelism was in favor of renewed emphasis on the old mass evangelism and reported for the past year great results through these methods. The Committee on Interchurch Relations newed former pronouncements of op

position to "organic unity of the Church."

THE END OF THE BRITISH
COAL STRIKE

FTER three months of an obviously

A losing industrial war the British

coal miners have gone back to work. They struck in the belief that they would be joined by the railway and transportation workers and that the collapse of industry to ensue would paralyze opposition and force the Government to impose terms on the mineowners. But the two other members of the Triple Alliance could not bring themselves to the point of throwing the country into a chaotic condition. One of the great lessons is that a nationwide sympathetic strike of industry is

International

four times as many wage-earners have indirectly been thrown out of work.

The most hopeful result of the contest has been the introduction into the terms of the settlement of what Mr. Lloyd George called the largest and most scientific application of profit sharing known in industry. This, however, is prospective rather than immediate. A standard wage is set-twenty per cent above pre-war rates. Then out of the net profits the wage-workers are to have a certain percentage, rising with the increase in profits and depending, therefore, on the efficiency of the workers as shown in profits. The details seem complicated, but if both sides have the right spirit the plan may, in Mr. Lloyd George's opinion, "create new relations between capital and labor, not merely in the coal industry, but in all industries."

THE NEW CHIEF JUSTICE

THE service and type of ability looked

THE

for in every Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court are those of leadership as well as legal learning. A truly great Chief Justice must not merely sit like a single judge in chambers, pondering legal principles, matching and contrasting cases in point, and writing fair and learned decisions. In

a way he must lead public knowledge of the law and the Constitution. As head of our American final court of appeal he must organize its thought, direct its energies, inspire it with human rights and needs, as well as collect its individual opinions as to legal construction.

Ex-President Taft's nomination by the President met little opposition in the Senate, and its confirmation has had general approval. The objection that Mr. Taft has not lately appeared on the bench or at the bar was not convincing; his early experience, both in State and Federal courts, was extensive, culminating in important decisions as to the secondary boycott and in cases under the Sherman Anti-Trust Act and in valuable work as Solicitor-General of the United States. His experience as Dean of the Cincinnati Law School and Professor of Constitutional Law at Yale added to his breadth of legal view.

It is not a disadvantage that for the first time a Chief Justice should have been President and administrator. Mr. Taft's services in the Philippines during the pacification period was admirable; so also was the work he did in reorganizing the Government of Cuba. That as President he showed bad judgment in executive administration is not inconsistent with his work as an administrator under a policy determined upon by another man as President, for until he became President himself Mr. Taft was

(C) Keystone

CYRUS E. WOODS, AMBASSADOR TO SPAIN acting as President Roosevelt's right hand. When it came to selecting leaders and maintaining a firm hand over them, Mr. Taft was out of his element. In such matters he was as President both too good-natured and too inert. But his total experience must certainly have been a broadening and educating influence which will prevent him from being a mere "dry-as-dust" hunter of decisions and exponent of statutes.

The country will watch with the keenest interest the course of its new Chief Justice. It will hope and trust to find

(C) Keystone WILLIAM M. COLLIER, NEWLY APPOINTED AMBASSADOR TO CHILE

in him a really great leader in law and legal policy-a man who will bear comparison with Chief Justice Marshall and who will lay down the office with the consciousness that he has equaled or surpassed Chief Justice White's ability as a presiding judge. Judge Taft's temperament, ability, and experience give reasons for such a hope. It is understood that he has long looked forward to the appointment, and it may well be that he has some feeling of regret that political ambition swerved him from the course which might otherwise have long ago made him Chief Justice. He is widely recognized as an expounder of principles of international law, and has been one of the leaders in the movement for world comity.

If it is true, as the New York "Tribune" believes, that Mr. Taft is free "from that intellectual dogmatism, akin to the vice of theologians, that has led some eminent judges to seek to over-systematize the law-to dehumanize it by treating its doctrines as absolute and unbending"-then, indeed, he will be a leader as well as a judge.

THREE AMBASSADORS AND TWO GOVERNORSHIPS

PR

RESIDENT HARDING has just named three men to ambassadorships. They are Charles Beecher Warren, of Michigan, to Japan; Cyrus E. Woods, of Pennsylvania, to Spain; and William M.

Collier, President of the George Washington University, of Washington, D. C., to Chile.

Administration officials regard the Tokyo post as perhaps the most important in the diplomatic service at the present time. Among the subjects which await the attention of the new Ambassador to Japan are the Japanese occupation of the Chinese province of Shantung and of the Russian Far Eastern provinces, the disposition of the island of Yap, and of course the problems attendant on the California AntiAlien Land Laws. The new Ambassador is fifty-one years old and a graduate of the University of Michigan. He has In 1896 he practiced law in Detroit. was associate counsel for the United States before the Joint High Commission to determine the Bering Sea claims, and in 1910 was counsel for the United States in the North Atlantic Coast Fisheries Arbitration before the Hague Court. During the war he served on the staff of the Judge-Advocate General at Washington. He is a member of the American Society of International Law, and until recently has been a member of the Republican National Committee.

Mr. Woods, who goes to Spain, is fifty-nine years old. He is a graduate of Lafayette College, has been a member

where we desire more greatly to maintain peace and fair play for all nations and to avoid competition of armaments than in the Pacific and in the Far East. Our Alliance with Japan has been a valuable factor in that direction in the past. We have found Japan a faithful ally who rendered us valuable assistance in an hour of serious and very critical need."

As to America, the Prime Minister's words were no less weighty: "We are ready to discuss with American statesmen any proposal for the limitation of armaments which they wish to set out, and we can undertake that no such overtures will find lack of willingness on our part to meet them.

SCOTT C. BONE, THE NEW GOVERNOR OF ALASKA, TAKING THE OATH OF OFFICE Mr. Bone has his hand upraised. Justice McKenna is administering the oath. To the left is Senator New; to the right is Secretary Fall

and on diplomacy at the George Washington University. He was elected President of that University in 1917.

Among other interesting appointments are those of Scott Cardell Bone, of the State of Washington, and of Wallace Rider Farrington, of Honolulu, to the Governorships of Alaska and Hawaii respectively. Both are newspaper men. Mr. Bone, a native of Indiana, after having been connected with Indianapolis newspapers, was for seventeen years an editor of the Washington "Post," then going to the Washington "Herald," and finally to the Seattle "Intelligencer." Mr. Farrington, a native of Maine, began his newspaper work on the Bangor "News," going thence to the Kennebec "Journal" at Augusta and the Rockland "Star." He then became managing editor of the "Pacific Commercial Advertiser," President of the Hawaiian "Gazette" Company, and is now publisher of the Honolulu "Star-Bulletin." Mr. Bone, as Chairman of the Alaska Bureau of the Seattle Chamber of Commerce, has made an extensive visit to Alaska. Mr. Farrington has the advantage of long residence in Hawaii and knows the insular problems at first hand.

and other measures of finance, taxation, transportation, defense, and statistical service.

This year's meeting is notable because of the comparative subordinance of such subjects and the predominance of a discussion of the Empire's foreign policy. Chief among the problems of that policy is the renewal of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. It expires soon. British colonials are opposed to its renewal in its present form, as are most Americans. Hence it is significant, we think, that the British Government has suggested to the Japanese Government a postponement of the date for renewal from July to October, so as, first, to permit a full discussion of the matter in the various Dominion Parliaments and their ratification of any proposal from the Home Government, which the Dominion Prime Ministers, now at London, have no power to give; and, second, to afford an opportunity to consult the United States. The Japanese Government, it is understood, has agreed to this, perhaps with the hope that, through the connecting link of the British Empire, acting as a unified whole, the United States and Japan may be brought into greater harmony.

In any case, we may be sure of the British Government's desire to preserve so far as may be (in the words of Mr. Lloyd George, the British Premier, in opening the Imperial Conference) "that well-tried friendship which has stood us both in good stead," and to apply it to the solution of all questions in the Far East, "where Japan has special interests, and where we ourselves, like the United States, desire equal opportunities and the open door." The Premier continued: "There is no quarter of the world

THE OPIUM EVIL

D

ESPITE all that has been attained by the opium reform in the Far East, the evil is still with us.

The opium-raising countries at present are Turkey, Persia, India, and also China under those local governors who defy the Government.

One of the tasks at the present meeting of the Council of the League of Nations at Geneva is to take action on the report of its Advisory Committee concerning the opium evil. For the opium question to-day affects, not only the world's physical and moral well-being, but also its international relations.

A curious feature of the situation as it has developed at Geneva is the fact that, while Sir John Jordan (former British Minister to Peking and one of the expert Advisers to the Advisory Committee) insists that the League of Nations has authority to deal with the opium evil at its base, and should do so, the British India Office is trying to induce the Committee not to endanger the Indian opium trade. Sir John Jordan maintains, as does another expert Adviser to the Committee, Mrs. Hamilton Wright, of Washington, D. C., that the opium abuses will continue just as long as India and other opium-producing countries are allowed to cultivate the poppy beyond medicinal needs.

The second aim of these Advisers, as Mrs. Wright informs us, is the abolition of the opium monopolies in the Far East. The Advisers assert it to be a false principle that the welfare of any community can be based on physical and moral degradation. This is, as they well declare, an untenable theory of taxation. Hence, they add, the opiumproducing countries must determine as soon as possible upon some other substitute for raising revenue. As a matter of fact, when the cultivation of the poppy is restricted to its medicinal needs, the price must automatically ascend; thus opium may still remain an

item of revenue in the Far East, but based on a legitimate need rather than on its power of corruption.

ARE THE PEOPLE LOSING THEIR RELIGION?

E

LSEWHERE we print two contributions in answer to the question, "Is the Church losing the people?" I am much more interested in the question, "Are the people losing religion?" Identifying religion with its institutions has been a common blunder. When Jesus foretold the destruction of the Temple, he was thought to prophesy the destruction of religion and to be guilty of blasphemy. But the effect of breaking the alabaster box was to diffuse throughout the then known world the fragrance of its contents. When the Lutheran Reformation denied the authority of the Church, the Reformers were persecuted as spiritual anarchists. They were thought to deny the authority of religion. The Quakers were persecuted in England by the Church because ecclesiastics could not understand how any one could believe in God who disbelieved in the Creed and refused the sacraments. Meanwhile the religion of doing justly, loving mercy, and walking humbly with God has gone on increasing in power and in variety and richness of expression, sometimes by the aid of the churches, sometimes in spite of their opposition.

Last month I attended a Conference of girls, members of the Young Women's Christian Association in a number of Eastern colleges. This Conference was held at Silver Bay, on Lake George, lasted a little over a week, and was attended by between seven and eight hundred eager college students. The mornings were spent in attendance upon classes and lectures; the afternoons were given to recreation, the evenings to addresses. The one theme of this Conference was the Christian religion, but that religion in the various forms of its activity. Among the topics treated were the Fundamentals of Christian Faith, the Bible, the Character and Person of Christ, Prayer, the New Industry. Every day the sessions were opened by a devotional service well attended, and on Sunday a large congregation filled the auditorium at a preaching service in the morning and at a vesper service in the evening with a missionary address by Miss McKenzie.

The attendants were of course mainly Americans, though fourteen different foreign nationalities were represented. All Protestant denominations were there and, I was told, some Roman Catholics and one or two Jews. They had all traveled at their own charge to get the benefit of this post-graduate course in

the religion of Jesus Christ. The meetings were entirely free from emotional excitement and from theological controversy. The spirit of the leaders was not

critical but constructive and practical.

One morning was devoted to a ques

tionnaire, when every kind of serious

religious question was cordially welcomed by the leader. The spirit which pervaded the entire assembly was one of intellectual and spiritual freedom. No dogmas were taken for granted. Nor was there any appearance, either in the public meetings or in the private conversations, of a merely intellectual curiosity. The Conference was to be followed by other somewhat similar conferences continuing throughout the summer. And I am told that this was but one of forty similar Summer Schools of Religion, held in various parts of the United States from the Lakes to the Gulf and from Sandy Hook to the Golden Gate. There might easily have been twice the number of attendants at this particular conference if room could have been found for them. As it was, the gymnasium had to be converted into a dormitory.

As I looked into the faces of these seven or eight hundred eager, joyous, serious-minded girls, some of them from Japan, China, India, and the Philippines, as I remembered that this was only one of several similar conferences to be held in this camp, and that this camp was only one of some forty similar camps devoted to a like purpose, and that thus there would probably be gathered in this country this summer not less than thirty or forty thousand girls voluntarily assembling for the study of the spiritual life, and at least as many more who would have joined them if that had been for them possible, and as I reflected that these were the future mothers of America and that it is the mothers and fathers, not the governors and legislators, who will make the America of the future, the question whether the Church is losing the people took the second place in my estimation.

Those who believe that the Church is the foundation on which religion is built may well ask with anxiety the question, "Is the Church losing its power?" I believe that man is incurably religious and that the churches are instruments which he has organized to express and promote his religious life. If he finds that they do not relieve him of the burden of his sins and his failures but only give him theories of atonement, do not endow him with power to live nobly but only prove to him that such power was given to the saints and martyrs of past times, do not make him acquainted with God but only give him definitions of God, he will leave the churches and form some new organizations to take

their place. But this is not a result which I anticipate. I believe that the churches possess such a measure of spiritual life that they will be able to create new measures for the needs of the new day, and I regard such institutions as the Young Men's Christian Association, the Young Women's Christian Association, and the summer conferences as evidence that the churches possess this power. LYMAN ABBOTT,

WHAT GENERAL DAWES MAY DO

Ꮤ

HY is it that a man who finds it hard work to lug a pail of water a few feet to moisten a parched flower-bed will, lacking a caddy, blithely carry a bag of golf clubs up and down hill all afternoon in the broiling sun? It is because the incentive in one case is merely a sense of duty, while in the other case it is an aroused emotior. directed by a keen interest. In most cases the problem of getting a difficult task done is the difficulty of finding in that task an appeal to the emotion directed toward an interest. It would have been inconceivable for the hundreds of thousands of men who went into the war to suffer their hardships and to face death if within them there was not a motive power-an absorbing interest and a sustained feeling.

To most people the very term budget is a destroyer of interest and a damper on emotion. How is it possible for the ordinary man to divert his interest from baseball or business to so arid a subject as laying out a plan for public expenditure?

And yet General Dawes, the newly appointed Director of the Budget, filled the auditorium of the Interior Department with an assemblage described in a special despatch to the New York "Evening Post" as "a political massmeeting in Madison Square Garden, a college class-room, a football rally, and a Salvation Army street-corner gathering all rolled into one, with just a touch of the atmosphere of the old Eden Musée." President Harding, Vice-President Coolidge, Secretary Hughes, Secretary Hoover, and the rest of the Administration leaders were there on the platform. There were bureau chiefs, and subordinates by the scores and hundreds. Many were turned away for lack of room. And the whole object was to consider the very commonplace and ordinarily uninteresting subject of economy.

General Dawes has made Washington, temporarily at least, interested in the subject of the budget. He has even succeeded in putting for the time being the budget on the daily newspaper's front page. What he may do before he

ishes is to put into the hearts of the ordinary citizens of the country the feeling that something has got to be done to prevent waste and to check extravagance in the Government. We have a budget law on the statute-books. The enactment of it is likely to occupy the place in the record of the present Administration that the enactment of the Federal Reserve Law occupies in the record of the last Administration. But the budget law will achieve its purpose fully only if it has behind it the aroused and continued interest of the people of the country in governmental economy.

made the headlines of a single issue of that journal the text of his sermon. Little of good could he find in the news. Battle, murder, and sudden death, divorce, and dishonor seemed to him to be the chief items on the news menu of the "Times," a newspaper whose slogan is, "All the News That's Fit to Print." From this text he drew the conclusion that the world had fallen upon evil days. It was a time for ominous shakings of heads. In short, if we may paraphrase our impression of his attitude, he felt that the Republic was bound for a more or less canine destiny.

Except for one fact, this might be the logical conclusion to draw from the news items in almost any issue of any paper. This fact is one which Jeremiahs of every generation have been too prone to overlook. The trouble is, perhaps, that Jeremiahs have seldom had train

Some years ago the late Senator Aldrich said that if he could "run" the Government he could save $300,000,000 a year without lowering governmental efficiency. That was before the days of billion-dollar Congresses. After noting the total appropriations by the Sixtysixth Congress, which ended its sessions last March, what far higher amount would Mr. Aldrich name now?

As contributing towards the Aldrich economy, at least two-thirds would doubtless have come from budget reform; the rest from departmental reorganization.

The enactment of the Budget Bill and the naming of a strong man as Budget Director reassure us as to two-thirds of any saving now anticipated, because of the paring down of extravagance, duplication, and wasteful demands on Congress for appropriations by the executive departments and bureaus. The remaining third of the saving may be realized by the Administration's programme concerning the reallocation of those departments and bureaus.

ting, and now that salary is to be taken away! There are many similar cases.

Of course many of those dismissed will find jobs elsewhere. To this end the United States Chamber of Commerce and local trade bodies throughout the country are co-operating. The Merchants' Association of New York City has on file the qualifications of experienced stenographers, typists, clerks, examiners, and court reporters from the Government Service. It will give information concerning these persons; their services can be secured at salaries of from $1,000 to $1,400 a year.

II

Next in the Administration's programme is saving in buying supplies. In this connection the striking sugges tion has been made that the present War and Navy Departments be combined in one Department of National Defense. The present departments have a common purpose, and their separation means material waste. It means waste when they have no chance to compare their acts in similar services. It means waste when one Department, as I hear, bids for material which the other Department has disposed of at a ridiculous price for junk.

But, whether these departments be combined or not, the suggestion calls attention to a main cause of waste, namely, the lack of one purchasing and selling agency and of a common stock

room.

The Administrations programme, therefore, contemplates the establish ment of a Bureau of Supply, independent of any executive department. This bureau would buy, store, and distribute material to the departments and commissions and to the municipal government of the District of Columbia. Every

requisition from them would have to be accompanied by a certificate, showing that an appropriation was available for the particular payment.

III

The next step is that of both economy and efficiency through the grouping of agencies. After talking with the President I discovered that a desire to save expenditure was not the only motive of the Administration's programme. Equally strong is the wish in reallocating bureaus and even departments to make them truly efficient. Each department should be made up of bureaus having the same major purpose. Take the present Department of the Interior, for instance. It is composed of bureaus having two distinct purposes. On the one hand, its General Land Office, its Geological Survey, its Bureau of Mines, its Reclamation Service, its Park Service, its Bureau of Capitol Buildings and Grounds, show it to be a Department of Public Works. On the other hand, its Bureau of Education, its Indian Service, its Bureau of Pensions, and its supervision over St. Elizabeth's and the Freedmen's Hospitals and Howard University show it to be also a Department of Public Welfare. Hence, why should not the Interior Department be divided into two new bodies, the Department of Public Works and the Department of Public Welfare? If the War and Navy Departments should be united, the addition of a Department of Public Welfare would merely bring the Cabinet posts to their present number. The President is in earnest as to the creation and development of a Welfare Department.

Why not have this separation, particularly when, as Senator McCormick outlined in his bill of last December, providing for such a transfer, the De