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and guarding the river Granicus,* and of Alexander on the other side with his forces, plunging in, swimming across the stream, ang rushing on the enemy with all the fire and fury that can be imagined. It was certainly a strange, rash, mad attempt, with only about thirty-five thousand men, to attack at such disadvantage an army of more than five times the number : but he was successful in it, and this success diffused a terror of his name, and opened his way to the conquest of Asia. “And I saw him come close unto the ram :' he had several close engagements or set battles with the king of Persia, and particularly at the river Granicus in Phrygia, at the straits of Issus in Cilicia, and in the plains of Arbela in Assyria * And he was moved with choler against him,' for the cruelties which the Persians had exercised towards the Grecians : and for Darius's “attempting to corrupt sometimes his soldiers to betrav him, and sometimes his friends to destroy him ; so that he would not listen to the most advantageous offers of peace, but determined to pursue the Persian king, not as a generous and noble enemy, but as a poisoner and a murderer, to the death that he deserved."... * And he șmote the ram, and brake his two horns ;' he subdued Persia and Media, with the other provinces and kingdoms of the Persian empire: and it is memorable, that in Persia he barbarously sacked and burned the royal city of Persepolis, the capital of the empire :and in Media, Darius was seized and made prisoner by some of his own traitor-subjects, who not long afterwards basely murdered him.|| •And there was no power in the ram to stand before him, but he cast him down to the ground, and stamped upon him ;' he conquered wherever he came, routed all the forces, took all the cities and castles, and entirely subverted and ruined the Persian empire. * And there was none that could deliver the ram out of his hand ;' not even his numerous armies could defend the king of Persia, though his forces in the battle of Issus amounted to six hundred thousand men, * and in that of Arbela to ten o eleven hundred thousand ;t whereas the whole number of Alexan. der's was not more than forty-seven thousand in either engagement. So true is the observation of the Psalmist, xxiii. 16,—there is no king saved by the multitude of an host:' and especially when God hath decreed the fall of empires, then even the greatest must fall. The fortune of Alexander, of which so much hath been said ; Plutarch has written a whole treatise about it;f the fortune of Alexander, I say, was nothing but the providence of God.

* Arrian. de Exped. Alex. lib. 1. cap. 14, &c. Sic Granicum, tot millibus equitum peditumque in ulteriore stantibus ripa, superavit. [Thus he passed the Granicus, notwithstanding so many thousands of cavalry and infantry were drawn up on the opposite bank.] Quint. Curt. lib. 4, cap. 9.

+ Diod. Sic. lib. 17, p. 599, edit. Steph.; p. 543, tom. 2, edit. Rhod. Quint. Curt. lib. 5, сар. .

6. : Quint. Curt. lib. 4, cap. 11. Verum enimvero, quum modo milites mens literis ad proditionem, modo amicos ad perniciem meam pecunia solicitet : ad internecionem mihi persequendus est, non ut justus hostis, sed ut percussor veneficus. § Diod. Sic. lib. 17. ibid. Q. Curt. lib. 5, cap. 6 et 7.

Quirt, Curt. lib. 6, cap. 8. &c.

When Alexander was at Jerusalem, these prophecies were showu to him by the high-priest, according to the relation of Josephus.l. For while Alexander lay at the siege of Tyre, he sent to Jaddua the high-priest at Jerusalem to demand provisions for his army, and the tribute that was annually paid to Darius. But the highpriest refused to comply with these demands by reason of his oath of allegiance to the king of Persia. Alexander therefore in great rage vowed to revenge himself upon the Jews : and as soon as he had taken Tyre and Gaza, he marched against Jerusalem. The high-priest in his imminent danger had recourse to God by sacrifices and supplications : and as he was directed in a vision of the night, he went forth the next day in his pontifical robes, with ali the priests in their proper habits, and the people in white apparel, to meet the conqueror, and to make their submissions to him. As soon as the king saw the high-priest coming to him in this solemn procession he advanced eagerly to meet him, and bowing down himself before him, received him with religious awe and veneration. All present were astonished at this behaviour of the king, so contrary to their expectation; and Parmenio in particular demanded the reason of it, why he whom all others adored, should pay such adoration to the Jewish high-priest. Alexander replied, that he payed not this adoration to him, but to that God whose priest he was : for while he was at Dio in Macedonia, and was meditating upon

his expedition against the king of Persia, there appeared unto him in a dream this very man, and in this very habit, inviting him to come over into Asia, and promising him success in the conquest

* Arrian de Exped. Alex. lib. 2, cap. 8, p. 73, edit. Gronov.; Plutarch in Alex p. 674, edit. Paris, 1624.

+ Plutarch in Alex. p. 682, ibid. Diod. Sic. lib. 17, p. 590, edit. Steph. p. 630, tom 2, edit. Rhod. Arrian, lib. 3, cap 8, p. 115,

# Polyb. lib. 12; Arrian, lib, 3, cap. 12, p. 122, edit. Gronov.
9 Περι της Αλεξανδρα τυχης. [Οf the fortune of Alexander.)
| Josephi Antig. lib. 11, c. 8.

of it: and now he was assured that he had set out upon this expedition under the conduct of God, to whom therefore he paid this adoration in the person of his high-priest. Hereupon he entered Jerusalem in peace, and went up and offered sacrifices to God in the temple, where the high-priest produced and laid before him the prophecies of Daniel, wherein it was written that a king of Grecia should overthrow the Persian empire, which he interpreted of himself. After this he granted peculiar privileges to the Jews, and proceeded in his expedition with full confidence and assurance of success.

Some persons have rejected this account as fabulous, particularly Van Dale, Mr. Moyle, and Collins,* who says, that it is “an entire fiction, unsupported, and inconsistent with history and chronology, and romantic in its circumstances.” But Bishop Lloyd,t Dean Prideaux, Bishop Chandler and others have sufficiently vindicated the truth of the story. Even Bayle himself, who was never thought to be over-credulous, admits the fact : and it must be said, though some things are extraordinary, yet there is nothing incredible in the whole relation. Alexander lay seven months at the siege of Tyre; in that time he might well want provisions for his army; and it is no wonder that he should send for some into Judea, when the Tyrians themselves used to be supplied from thence-1 Kings v. 9, 11; Ezekiel xxvii. 17; Acts xii. 20. The fidelity of the Jews to Darius, and their regard to their oath was nothing more than they practised upon other occasions ; for the same reason they would not submit to Ptolemy, having taken an oath to another governor :# and Ptolemy afterwards rewarded them for it in Egypt, and committed the most important garrisons and places of trust to their keeping, thinking that he might safely rely upon them, who had proved themselves so steady and faithful to their former princes and governors, and particularly to Darius king of Persia. That Alexander was in Judea, I think we may collect from other authors. Arrian says, that" he subdued all that part of Syria which was called Palestine.”ll Pliny affirms, that the balsam-tree, which grew only in Judea, was cut, and bled a certain quantity in a day, while Ales. under was waging war in those parts * Justin informs us, that he went into Syria, where many princes of the east met him with their mitres :"+ upon which passage the note of Isaac Vossius is very just and pertinent, “ I think that Jastin had respect to that memorable history which Josephus relates of Jaddua the high-priest of the Jews.”+ If Alexander therefore came into Judea, as he certainly did, it was prudent in the Jews, though they refused to succour him at a distance, yet to submit to him upon his nearer approach ; it was in vain to withstand the conqueror, and the terror of his name was now become very great by his victories, and especially after the dreadful execution that he had made at Tyre and at Gaza. While Alexander was at Jerusalem, it was natural enough for the high-priest to show him the prophecies of a king of Grecia over. coming the king of Persia. Nothing could be devised more likely to engage his attention, to confirm his hopes, and to conciliate his favour to the whole nation. And for his sacrificing in the temple, it is no more than other princes have done ;f it is no more than he did in other places. He inight perhaps consider God as a local deity, and offer sacrifices to him at Jerusalem, as he did to Hercules at Tyre, and to Jupiter Hammon in Egypt, and to Belus in Babylon.

* Van Dale Dissert. super Aristeam, cap. 10; Moyle's Letters to Prideaux, p. 26, &c. vol. 2; Collin's Scheme of Literal Prophecy, p. 452.

+ Bishop Lloyd's Letter to Dr. Sberluck; Prideaux Connect.; and Answers to Mr. Moyle. Bp. Chandler's Vindicaticu of his Defence, chåp. 2, sect. 1, p. 176, &c. Mr. Samuel Chandler's Vindication of Daniel, p. 76, &c. Bayle's Dict. Art MACEDO, Note. O.

Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, cap. 1, p. 507, Edit. Budson.

Joseph. ibid. et contra Apion. lib. 2, sect. 4. p. 1365, ed. Hudson. # Arrian de Exped. Alex. lib. 2, cap, 25, p. 101. edit Gronov. Και ήν αυτω το

What are then the great objections to the credibility of this story? it is pretended, that it is inconsistent with chronology; for Josephus placed this event after the sieges of Tyre and of Gaza, whereas all historians agree that Alexander went directly from Gaza to Egypt in seven days.ll. But the best historians do not always relate facts in exact order of time, as they happened: they connect things of a sort together, and often mention later occurrences first, reserving what they think more important for the last place : and uch possibly might be the intention of Josephus. Eusebius

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άλλα της Παλαιστινης καλεμενης Συριας προσκεχωρηκοτα ήδη Et cetera quidem Syriæ, quæ Palæstina vocatur, oppida in suam potestatem adduxerat. [Translated in the text.]

* Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. 12, cap. 25, sect. 54, edit. Hardyin. Alexa ndro magno res ibi gerente, toto, die æstivo unam concham impleri justum erat. (While Alexander th Great was carrying on war there, about six drams was the quantity drawn from the tree in the space of a summer day.]

+ Tunc in Syriam proficiscitur, ubi obvios cum infulis multos orientis reges babait Justin. Hist. lib 11, cap. 10, sect. 6, edit. Grævii. [Translated in the text..

: Puto respicere Justinum ad memorabilem illam historiam, quam Josephus de Jauda summo Judæorum sacerdote, narrat. [Translated in the text.]

Joseph contra Apion. lib. 2, sect. 5, p. 1365, edit. Hudson. 2 Maccab. xii. 23. Diod. Sic. lib. 17; Q. Curtius, lib 4: Arrian. lib. 3. Plutarch in Alex

affirms, that Alexander went after the siege of Tyre immediately to Jerusalem ;* and he might have good authority for affirming so, living as he did in Palestine; and with him agree Usher, Prideaux, and the best chronologers. And indeed it is most probable, that Alexander's progress was from Tyre to Jerusalem, and from Jerusalem to Gaza; because his resentment of the affront that he had received was then fresher in his mind, and Jerusalem lay not much out of the way from Tyre to Gaza, and it was not likely that he should leave a place of such strength and importance untaken behind him. But if Josephus was mistaken about two months in point of time, yet such a mistake is not sufficient to shake the credit of his whole relation. What historian is there almost who hath not fallen into a mistake of the like kind? And yet after all Josephus might not be mistaken, for

lexander might march against Jerusalem from Gaza, either during the siege, or after it. Arrian † informs us, that while the siege of Tyre was carrying on, and the machines and ships were building, Alexander with some troops of horse and other forces went into Arabia, and having reduced that part of the country to his obedience, partly by force, and partly by treaty, he returned to the camp in eleven days : and why might he not make such an excursion from Gaza for a few days, during the two months that his army was besieging it? or, after he had taken the city, why might he not with part of the army go to Jerusalem, and leave the other part to rest themselves at Gaza? Jerusalem lay at no very great distance from Gaza, and a person of Alexander's expedition might go and return within a very few days. The historians say indeed, that he came into Egypt in seven days after he departed from Gaza ; but none of them say how long he stayed at Gaza, to refresh his army after the siege. We know from Diodorus, that he stayed long enough to settle the affairs of the country about Gaza : and why might he not in that time make this visit to Jerusalem ?

Another objection is taken from the silence of authors, who would hardly have passed over so memorable a transaction, if there had been

any truth in it; but it is not s' much as mentioned by any of the heathen historians ; it is supported entirely by the testimony of Josephus. But if we reject all relations, which rest upon the credit of a single historian, ancient history will be shrunk into a

* Eusebii Chron. Usher's Annals, p. 214, 215; Prid. Connect. Part 1. B. 7. Anno 832 Darius 4.

+ Arrian de Exped. Alex. lib. 2, cap. 20, p. 94, edit. Gronov.
: Diod. Sic. lib 17, p. 588, edit. Steph.; p. 526, tom. 2, edit. Rhoda

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