been laid aside as conductors or guards to the caravan, and others substituted in their place; and it is thought the removal of their favourite, Ezade-Basha, from that post to Aleppo, had also some share in it. At the return to Damascus of the fugitive soldiery, who conveyed the caravan, those in the town rose up in arms against them, as traitors to their faith; a great slaughter ensued, and continued some time; but there are advices since, that all is quieted there. The Basha of the caravan fled to Gaza, with about 15 or 16 of his people, and it is thought he will lose his head. The riches lost to many cities of this empire, which are either taken by the Arabs, or dispersed in the deserts, are computed to amount to an immense sum, as they are supplied from India with all sorts of valuable merchandize, spices, &c. by that canal. A like accident happened in the year 1694, under Ahmed the IId." Other instances of the same kind have happened since; and are also recorded in the London Gazette; but I cannot recollect the dates, and at present have not the collection of Gazettes to apply to upon this occasion. So constantly have the Arabs maintained the same spirit in all ages; and there is no power that can effectually controul them. Armies have been sent against parties of the Arabians, but without success.— These freebooters have commonly been too cunning for their enemies; and when it was thought that they were well nigh surrounded and taken, they have still escaped out of their hands.' So well doth this particular prediction relating to some of the tribes of the Arabians agree with that general one concerning the main body of the nation, Gen. xvi. 12,—' He will be a wild man; his hand will be against every man, and every man's hand against him: and he shall dwell in the presence of all his brethren.' But though the Arabians should escape out of his hand,' yet Egypt should not escape,' but fall under his dominion, together with the adjoining countries. 'He shall stretch forth his hand also upon the countries, and the land of Egypt shall not escape. But he shall have power over the treasures of gold and of silver, and over all the precious things of Egypt: and the Libyans and the Ethiopians shall be at his steps,'-ver. 42, 43. "We read," saith Jerome," that Antiochus did these things in part: but what follows relating to the Libyans and Ethiopians, our doctors assert, agrees better with Antichrist; for Antiochus did not possess Libya and Ethiopia."* Theodoret too, affirms, that "these things also by no * Hæc Antiochum ex parte fecisse legimus. Sed quod sequitur.'per Libyas et Æthiopias transibit magis nostri asserunt,Antichristo convenire. Antiochus enin: means fit Antiochus, for he neither possessed Libya, nor Ethiopia, nor even Egypt itself."* This prophecy, then, cannot belong to Antiochus; and indeed the proper application is to the Othmar. emperor. He shall stretch forth his hand also upon the countries: This implies that his dominions should be of large extent; and he hath stretched forth his hand' upon many, not only Asian and European, but likewise African countries. Egypt in particular was destined to submit to his yoke: And the land of Egypt shall not escape; but he shall have power over the treasures of gold and of silver, and over all the precious things of Egypt:' and the conquest of Egypt, with the neighbouring countries, follows next in order after the conquest of Judea, with the neighbouring countries; as in the prophecy, so likewise in history. The Othman emperor Selim, having routed and slain Gauri,† sultan of Egypt, in a battle near Aleppo, became master of all Syria and Judea. He then marched into Egypt against Tumanbäi, the new sultan, whom also having vanquished and taken prisoner, he barbarously ordered him to be hanged before one of the gates of Cairo: and so put an end to the government of the Mamalucs, and established that of the Turks in Egypt. The prophecy says particularly, that'he should have power over the treasures of gold and of silver, and over all the precious things of Egypt:' and history informs us, that when Cairo was taken, "the turks rifled the houses of the Egyptians, as well friends as foes, and suffered nothing to be locked up or kept private from them: and Selim caused 500 of the chiefest families of the Egyptians to be transported to Constantinople, as likewise a great number of the Mamalucs' wives and children, besides the sultan's treasure and other vast riches. And since that time, it is impossible to say what immense treasures have been drained out of this rich and fertile, but oppressed and wretched country. The prophecy says farther, that some others also of the African nations should submit to the conqueror, the Libyans and the Ethiopians Libyam, quam plerique Africam intelligunt, Æthiopiamque non tenuit. Hieron. ibid. [Translated in the text.] * Και ταύτα δε ήκιςα άρμόττει τω ̓Αντιοχων έτε γαρ Λιβυας, ετε Αιθιοπίας ἐκρατησεν, Te de auτng ThS 'Aryuтe, Et hæc item minime conveniunt Antiocho; qui neque Libya, neque Æthiopia, neque etiam ipsa Ægypto potitus est.-Theod. ibid. p. 691. [Translated in the text.] + Prince Cantemir's Hist. in Selim I. sect. 16, p. 156, &c. Savage's Abridgement of Knolles and Rycaut, vol. 1, p. 240, &c. Pauli Jovii Hist. lib. 18, et Rerum Turc. Comment. in Selymo. Leunclav. Annales Turc. p. 341, edit. Paris.; p. 265. edit. Venet. Pandect. Hist. Turc. cap. 207, &c. Savage, ibid. p. 246 et 248. Pauli Jovii Hist. lib. 18 should be at his steps: And we read in history, that after the conquest of Egypt, "the terror of Selim's many victories now spreading wide, the kings of Afric bordering upon Cyrenaica, sent their ambassadors with proffers to become his tributaries. Other more remote nations also, towards Ethiopia, were easily induced to join in amity with the Turks."* At this present time also, many places in Africa, besides Egypt, as Algiers, Tunis, &c. are under the dominion of the Turks. One thing more is observable with regard to the fate of Egypt, that the particular prophecy coincides exactly with the general one, as it did before in the instance of Arabia. It was foretold by Ezekiel, xxix. 14, xxx. 12, that Egypt should always be a base kingdom,' and subject to strangers; and here it is foretold, that in the latter times it should be made a province to the Turks, as we see at this day. The two next, which are the two last verses of this chapter, I conceive, remain yet to be fulfilled. 'But tidings out of the east, and out of the north, shall trouble him; therefore he shall go forth with great fury to destroy, and utterly to make away many. And he shall plant the tabernacles of his palace,' or rather, of his camp between the seas in the glorious holy mountain,' or, as it is in thз margin, the mountain of delight and holiness;' 'yet he shall come to his end, and none shall help him.'-ver. 44, 45. Prideaux and other learned men, as well as Porphyry and Grotius, refer this passage to Antiochus ;† and to his hearing of the revolt of the provinces in the east, and of Artaxias in the north; and to his going forth therefore in great anger, and with a great army, to reduce them to obedience. But if this part might be fitly applied to An Savage, ibid. p. 248. Ipsique Africæ reges Cyrenaicæ finitimi, qui pendere tributa, et Sulthanis certo fœdere parere consueverant, legationes destinabant.—Omnesque næ gentes, quæ ad Ethiopiam vergunt, sicuti amicitiam potius, quam imperium Sulthanorum agnoscebant, ita victoriæ fama perductæ, in Turcarum fidem facile concessere -Pauli Jovii Hist. lib. 18, p. 1062 et 1065, edit. Gryph. 1561. [Translated in the text.] + Prideaux Connect. part 2, book 3, anno 164. Houbigant in locum. &c. &c. Porphyr. apud Hieron. col. 1133. Grotius in locum. Nuntius belli a Partho et Armenio Parthi ad orientem Antiocho, Armenii ad septentrionem. De Partho testimonium habemus Taciti, ubi de Judæis agit, "Rex Antiochus demere superstitionem et mores Græcorum dare adnixus, quo minus teterrimam gentem in melius mutaret, Parthico bello prohibitus est." [A declaration of war was sent from Parthia and Armenia the former kingdom lay to the east of Antiochus, the latter to the north With respect to Parthia, we have the testimony of Tacitus, in the chapter relating to th affairs of the Jews: "While king Antiochus was attempting to overthrow superstition and introduce the manners of the Greeks, so that a change might be effected in the de sased morals of the people, he was prevented by the Parthian war."] : tiochus, yet how could he be said afterwards to plant the tabernacles of his camp between the seas in the glorious holy mountain;' for he returned no more into Judea, but died in that eastern expedition? Porphyry therefore considers the word Aphedno,* which we translate his palace' or 'his camp,' as the proper name of a place situated between the two great rivers, Tigris and Euphrates. But, as Jerome replies, he cannot produce any history wherein mention is made of any such place; neither can he say which is 'the glorious and holy mountain;' beside the folly of interpreting two seas by two rivers. Father Houbigant " understands it as the name of a place situated in the mountains, in which mountains the book of Maccabees relates Antiochus to have died. This place, says he, was 'between two seas,' namely, the Caspian and Euxine, in Armenia itself, where Artaxias prepared rebellion."+ But neither doth he produce any authority for his assertions. Where doth he read of any such place as Aphedno, between the Caspian and Euxine seas? where doth he read that Antiochus died in the mountains of Armenia? The book of Maccabees, which he allegeth, testifieth no such thing. Both the books of Maccabees agree, that Antiochus died returning out of Peisia, through Babylon, according to the first book, through Ecbatana, according to the second, in the mountains' indeed, but it is not said in what mountains. Antiochus was victorious in Armenia, and did not die there. Besides, with what propriety could any mountain in Armenia be called the glorious holy moun tain?' Theodotion and Aquila too, render it Aphedanos,§ the Aphedno, qui inter duo latissima situs est flumina, Tigrim et Euphratem. Quum que hucusque processerit, in quo monte inclyto sederit, et sancto, dicere non potest. quanquam inter duo maria cum sedisse probare non potest: et stultum sit duo Mesopotamiæ flumina, duo maria interpretari.-Hieron. col. 1133. [Aphedno is situated be tween the two very broad rivers Tigris and Euphrates. And when he has asserted thus much, he cannot say, on what glorious and holy mountain he encamped. Since he affords no proof that it was between two seas, it is absurd to render by that phrase two rivers of Mesopotamia.] + Accipimus Aphedno, ut nomen loci, in montibus situm, in quibus montibus narrat liber Macchabæorum Antiochum occidisse. Hic locus erat inter duo maria,' nimirum mare Caspium et Pontum Euxinum, in Armenia ipsa, ubi rebellionem parabat Artaxias. -Houbigant in locum. [Translated in the text.] 1 Macc. vi. 4. 2 Macc. ix. 2, 28. § Et figet tabernaculum suum in Aphedano inter maria.-Theodotio. [And he shall fix his tabernacle in Aphedanus between the seas.] Et plantabit tabernaculum prætorii sui in 'Apadav inter maria.-Aquila. [And he shall plant the tabernacle of his camp in Aphadanus between the seas.] Aphedno juxta Nicopolim, quæ prius Emmaus vocabatur. Hieron. col. 1134. [Aphedno near Nicopolis which was formerly called Emmaus : proper name of a place, as doth Jerome also, who taketh it for a place near Nicopolis, which formerly was called Emmaus. Indeed if it be the name of any place, it must be some place in the holy land; because in the Psalms, the pleasant land,'-cvi. 24; in Jeremiah, the pleasant land, the goodly heritage,'-iii. 19; and in Ezekiel, the glory of all lands,'-xx. 6; and constantly throughout the book of Daniel, 'the pleasant land,'—viii. 9; the glorious land,'—xi. 16; and again, the glorious land,'—ver. 41; are appellatives of the holy land; and so, consequently, the glorious holy mountain' must be Sion, or Olivet, or some mountain in the holy land, which lieth between the seas,' the Dead Sea on the east, and the Mediterranean on the west.* But after all, Aphedno doth not seem to be the name of any place. They who rendered it as the proper name of a place, most probably did not know what else to make of it but the word+ occurs in Jonathan's Targum of Jeremiah, and there it signifies a pavilion, and he shall spread his royal pavilion over them,'-xliii. 10; and to the same purpose it should be translated here, he shall plant the tabernacles of his camp between the seas in the glorious holy mountain.' This prophecy then, cannot, by the help of any explication, be made to fit and agree with Antiochus and in our application of it to the Othman empire, as these events are yet future, we cannot pretend to point them out with any certainty and exactness. Mr. Mede supposeth that "the tidings from the east and north' may be that of the return of Judah and Israel from those quarters. For Judah was carried captive at the first into the east, and Israel by the Assyrian into the north, (namely, in respect of the holy land) and in those parts the greatest number of each are dispersed at this day. reduction of Israel from the north,' see the prophecies, 14, 15, and chap. xxiii. 8, also chap. xxxi. 8. Or if this from the north' may be some other thing, yet may have some warrant to apply to the Jews' return, from that of the 'sixth vial' in the Apocalypse, xvi. 12, where the waters of the great river Euphrates are dried up, to prepare the way of the 'kings of the east.'" If this application be not admitted, yet it is universally known, that the Persians are seated to the east of the : Of the Jer. xvi. tidings that from the east' I * Inter duo maria, mare videlicet quod nunc appellatur Mortuum ab oriente, et mare Magnum. Hieron. col. 1134. [Between two seas, namely, the sea on the east which is now called the Dead Sea, and the Mediterranean.] over them.] Et extendet tentorium suum super eos. [And he shall spread his pavilion t Mede's Works, book 4, p. 816. |