look back at the first public notice of one whose memory is enshrined in every American heart. "He is gone to America," says Franklin, “in a ship of his own, accompanied by several officers of distinction, to serve in our armies. He is exceedingly beloved; and we are satisfied that the respect which may be shown him will be serviceable to our affairs here, by pleasing not only his powerful relations and the court, but the whole French nation."

At that early period, Congress not having yet organized a consular system, numberless transactions arising from the details of commerce, or connected with the disposal of prizes taken at sea, and with the fitting out of cruisers in French ports—matters usually managed by consuls — devolved on Franklin, and, added to his more exclusively diplomatic duties, subjected him to a much greater amount of labor than is demanded of an American plenipotentiary in these more systematic times. This is made very manifest in his correspondence with Congress, through the successive presidents of that body and its committee on foreign affairs. This correspondence not only shows how assiduously, and with what patriotic solicitude as well as ability, he watched over the great interests committed to his charge, but it demonstrates, as we believe any candid reader, after an attentive perusal of it, will admit, that no other man could have promoted those interests so effectually, or have secured for his country so much aid from France, or so much respect and good-will throughout Europe, as did Franklin. Indeed, from his first appearance at Paris, in a diplomatic capacity, he may well be said to have been substantially the representative of the United States, not only to the French court, but to all the courts of continental Europe. And this resulted, not merely from the fact that the court of France was the great wheel, as Arthur Lee called it,

HIS MODESTY AND SENSE OF RIGHT.

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which moved the courts of other nations, but it was also in no small degree the natural consequence of Franklin's great name and European reputation—of the universal homage paid to him for his splendid career in philosophy, and the distinguished ability and manly boldness with which he had, while colonial agent in London, defined and asserted the political rights of the American people, and resisted the aggressions of the British government upon their liberties.

The general estimation of Franklin in Europe, not only as a philosopher, nor merely as one among many faithful and illustrious assertors of the liberties of his countrymen, but as pre-eminently the founder of their freedom, can not be more strikingly exemplified than by the following incident: An artist in Paris, having designed an engraving to commemorate the independence of the United States, submitted his design to Franklin's inspection and proposed to dedicate it to him. The principal symbol in the piece was, it seems, the figure of Franklin in the garb of a Roman senator, with his name inscribed beneath. To this he promptly and flatly refused his assent, because it ascribed to him exclusively the freedom of America, and he insisted that the figure should be made to symbolize Congress, and the print be dedicated to that body; for, otherwise, said he in a note to the artist, "it would be unjust to the numbers of wise and brave men who, by their arms and counsels, have shared in the enterprise and contributed to its success, at the hazard of their lives and fortunes." Such were the modesty, magnanimity, and living sense of justice, of Franklin.

The elevation and generosity of his nature, indeed, his true wisdom, were well illustrated by his sentiments in regard to privateering, against the toleration of which he expressed himself in the strongest terms, and proposed that the nations of Europe should combine to put it down

by express stipulations in their treaties with each other; and, as a further extension of the same humane policy, demanded by the whole spirit of Christian civilization, he also proposed that, in war as in peace, all people, to whatever country they might belong, belligerent or neutral, while engaged by land or sea in producing or transporting food or anything else needed for the support and comfort of life, or the advancement of peaceful pursuits, should remain unmolested. Both these principles should, he held, be incorporated into the general law of nations, not only as being alike humane and just toward the individuals and families directly affected by them, but as being certain also to lessen the frequency of war by destroying the hope of plunder.

Similar proofs of his philanthropy and abhorrence of rapine and violence in every form, were furnished in the passports which, as minister plenipotentiary, he issued, to protect from American cruisers the vessels annually sent from England, with food and other supplies for the Moravian settlements on the coast of Labrador; and in doing the same thing for the vessels under the celebrated navigator Captain James Cook, who had, before the war, been sent on a voyage of discovery, and was supposed to be now on his way home. No man ever possessed in larger measure than Franklin the desire to encourage every enterprise to advance knowledge, diffuse the spirit of benevolence, and liberalize the policy of governments; and the last-named act of magnanimous humanity drew from the English board of trade a vote of acknowledgment, together with an elegant copy of Cook's Voyages, and the splendid collection of plates belonging to it, accompanied by a courteous letter from Lord Howe, stating that the gift was made with the king's approbation.

A few days after reaching Paris, Franklin took up his residence at Passy, some two or three miles out of the