my position. e whether the articles, or article upon le of general The Tariff-Mr. Millson. of five per cent. upon the manufactured article would be necessary to balance the reduction of five per cent. upon the imported materials, which enter into the composition of our domestic fabrics, I merely take those sums for the sake of conven1 the burdenient and simple illustration. The cost of the raw material may not be more than one twentieth of the whole cost of the manufactured article; and of course, the present duty, which is only five per cent., would be only one twentieth of that, or one four-hundredth part of the whole cost. That would be equivalent to a tax of only twenty-five cents on a hundred dollars of value. It is only for the sake of illustration, that I assume a reduction of five per cent. in the duty imposed on the imported fabric, as balancing a reduction of five per cent. on the raw material. e gentleman gument, and -w that inci given to pare imposition cles imported hich did not our own proe would have of the gentleat the reason e articles and to give inci-s of the artid I am now be a loss to nt of duties, tection, as it it could only foreign fabth our own. ced, and we es to supply loss, and it Heed the most s most grievhat we have urchase from more than his his wares are en to exclude f duty which ld be able to rice. from New ennsylvania, ned of those e Treasury. keep money of the oper. hey are laid 1 of revenue, giving proy the exclumportations ration of the HO. OF REPS. community, cannot but be a sort of injustice to the But the President seems to fear that there Sir, the returns of the preceding year exhibit a like healthy condition of things. From these returns the excess of the imports seems to be only $2,929,522; from which I infer that we have still a large credit in Europe upon the transactions of the last year, the exports being greatly more than enough to settle the apparent balance against us. It may be said that although there is an excess of only $2,929,522 of imports over the exports, this is because so large a proportion of the exports has been in specie. If we turn to the President's message, we will find that the exports of specie have been only $42,000,000, and the imports $5,000,000, showing an excess of exports over imports of $37,000,000, which is an amount greatly below the products of the California gold mines. At this day, according to the official statement of the President of the United States, we have a larger amount of specie in the country, than we had at the commencement of the fiscal year. I have not been able to obtain any accurate statement of the products of the California, mines, but I presume they have been at least as large as those of the mines of Australia; and we know that during the last year $50,000,000 have been produced-from those mines. I take it for granted, therefore, that $50,000,000 have been produced from the mines of California. What, then, do we see? We have exported only $37,000,000, while we have received from the California mines $50,000,000, leaving a large surplus or balance remaining in the country beyond the quantity we had at the beginning of the year. Now, I say that we should probably have been in a more wholesome condition, if still larger quantities of gold had been sent away. We might not then have had that expansion of prices which has pro• "Without repeating the arguments contained in my former message, in favor of discriminating protective duties, I deem it my duty to call your attention to one or two other considerations affecting this subject. The first is, the effect of large importations of foreign goods upon our currency. Most of the gold of California, as fast as it is coined, finds its way directly to Europe in payment for goods purchased." It seems to me the President has adopted a somewhat inverted order of explaining his views. He calls our attention to the effect of the large importation of foreign goods upon our currency. He has mistaken the effect for the cause. He might as well have invited our attention to the effect produced by the flowing of a river upon the attraction of gravitation. Why, sir, it is the increase of the currency which has produced these large importations. It is because of the large exportation of gold, taken from the mines of California, that our imports have increased. Yet the President calls our attention to the effect of these large foreign imports upon the currency of the country. He says that the gold from California finds its way out of the country as soon as it is coined. Certainly it does. For what purpose was it taken from the mines, if it was not to be used in the purchase of commodities? Would the President have it kept at home, instead of exchanging it for those articles which are necessary for our comfort and enjoyment? How would that add to our national wealth? Can a nation, any more than an individual, advance its interests or promote its happiness by hoarding up its money, and constantly adding to its store, without apply-duced such an alteration in the relations between operation of ing it to the purchase from others of such things debtor and creditor, and has caused so much inasses of this as we may want? In that case we should soon convenience, and even distress among many of realize the fable of Midas starving on his golden the working classes. banquet. Were the immense amounts of gold taken from the mines in California retained at home, instead of being diffused throughout the world, the consequences would be most disastrous to us. I fear that even as it is, the large quantities of gold, annually added to our circulation from the mines in California and Australia, must produce much mischief. Sir, when I first heard, some five or six years ago, of the discovery of gold in California, I felt and expressed serious apprehensions as to the results. I feared that the great influx of gold would too much inflate the currency of the country, bloat prices, and unsettle the transactions of life. It is a great error to suppose that it is desirable to increase the quantities of money. This cannot be done without diminishing its value. Sir, what is money? I have not time fully to develop my views upon this subject; it would furnish a theme for a protracted discourse. I will only state that money, in its strict and proper use and office, is but a token or sign of the claim of the holder upon the community for something earned, but not received. Wherever the use of money is known, this claim is acknowledged, and its extent is measured by the quantity or conventional value of these tokens. Upon an universal m all duty? settlement of accounts, if such a thing were possito consider ble, all the money in the world would be in the for its ulti-possession, in greater or less quantities, of those material of who were found to be creditors upon such a settle-happy condition of affairs. Now, I am not treatment, or of those to whom they might from time to time have assigned it Vast additions of money, therefore, beyond the amount necessary to repair the annual losses, made to the existing circulation by those who take it with little labor from the a reduction mines, and are not in truth the creditors of the r the protec States, than nited States. e, under the ose a tax of sumption of :contributed ot, then, go n his efforts g the trifling terials used only aggramoney into they serve eir abolition No, sir; the are those in the hunthe purpose evenue; that which is our ransfer milultural, meour people, rous classes demand for f the tailor; of the con from duty? k would be be. But, sir, as to this excess of imports over ex- Mr. But suppose it were true that our imports did far exceed our exports. It is the fashion of the day to consider this a very disastrous state of things. Even Mr. Walker seems to have fallen into the prevailing error, if it be one-for I speak of so eminent an authority with all possible diffidence -of supposing that if the imports of a nation are greatly above the exports, it would be a very uning the subject in its inoral relations, and in its connection with good faith and honesty, but as a mere question of political economy. I say, that if for a long series of years, a ration receives more than it returns-if the wealth added to it exceeds that taken from it, our sympathies would be somewhat sed if we should bewail DAL B: I will go on with the Pres the second place, as our manu as are thrown out of pat The President here complains, A as to the first head of of red society to give employ * Weddeemed a national ca invent a machine the demand for human labor. peg our markets to foreign c wd be no more a su ccomplished. You need a destroy all your labor-saving of your neighbor doctor Fen you are not sick, or wh would you of your ailment, ent pane of giving him someth It be true-I hope it de abolition of protective duties fendiment men engaged in t for which they are not fi the effect, no good would of protective duties. emplated; that is the end desig there are men who, by legis ed to compel the people 27 more for any article than it the market should be opene enough they might thus b Corment. The great object oyment to productive and us reasing population of the w ponding increase in the p man labor. Destroy your la nes, abandon the use of horses, which comes in competition ar, and the large population no road perish miserably. They la order to secure employmen , you must tax the count aly exceeding the benefit resu protected; and it would be bett il her condition. If nce at all, we might pathizing with those dunsatisfied demands effort to pay, and the , often occasion real of the condition of a receive more than it of things was ever President's message. manufacturing establish tion with foreigners, the Bousands of honest and of employment, and the a home market for the The Tariff-Mr. Millson. have to bear the burdens of these taxes, to make up a fund sufficient to support these unprofitable laborers in absolute idleness, provided they were then left at liberty to supply their wants in the cheaper markets of the world. It would be some consolation to us, under the operation of a protective tariff, to know that what was lost by us, was wholly gained by the protected classes; but it is hardly fair to impose a tax upon our people of fifty, or a hundred per cent., to enable the manufacturers to make ten. No, sir, the surest way to protect American labor, is to develop our resources, and cultivate our best talent. We cannot make a better world than the Almighty has made. It is said that Mr. Pope, applying a very exaggerated sort of flattery to Sir Godfrey Kneller, once whispered to him that if he had been conins, first, that thou-sulted at the creation he could have furnished some out of employment; useful hints. The vain old man replied, "I think || loses the home mar- I could, Mr. Pope." I do not know whether genlonger sell anything tlemen who sustain the protective, or forcing sysus who are thrown tem, are dissatisfied with the existing arrangements of Providence, but let me suggest to them, that we can scarcely improve upon Divine wisdom. us apply ourselves to the production of such things as are suited to our soil, climate, and condition. The diversities in each should instruct us that we were intended to hold commerce with our fellowman for the supply of those wants that no one country can fully satisfy, and that in this mode civilization and christianity are to be extended to the remotest borders of the earth. of complaint, the it is the great object mployment to labor, tiveness, but merely nt. I might say, in -jects of civilization, yment, at least temys done when a new ented. The world reatest benefactor of , succeeds in throwout of employment. al calamity, if some hine by which one work of fifty? We ine, though its first ployment, only adds r. The great object d to dispense with be true, then, that gn competition, will to dispense with the on of our own popusubject of regret, uperseded by the in.Sir, if it was the ployment to labor, be, it could be very eed do nothing more ing machines. But ghbor in preference where his labor is ould soon stand still rade, if you should merely because it you employ your harvest with knives ke of employing the gest time? Would tor to prescribe for when a simple root nt, for the benevoething to do? No, it is true that by ties, you throw out in the production of t fitted; and if that uld be done by the That is the end signed. For whengislative means, are of this country to it is worth, I desire ned to competition, be thrown out of 't should be to give useful labor. The world demands a productiveness of labor-saving maes, mules, and other on with the labor of Let The President complains of the loss of our home market. My friend from Ohio, [Mr. STANTON,] too, thinks this home market very important to the farmer. What do they mean by a home market? Of course they only mean that market which is dependent upon the protective system, for none other could be affected by its abolition. They cannot suppose that the whole home market of the country is dependent upon the protective policy, for there have always been other pursuits than that of agriculture, and almost from the beginning of the world men have bought and sold in their own country, and have thus had what we call a home market. What the President means by the home market, which is to be lost to the farmer upon the destruction of the protective policy, is that artificial market which is built up by the tariff. It is the demand of the protected classes for such things as they have occasion to use; or rather, to be more exact, so much of that demand as is stimulated and increased by the law securing employment to them in their new pursuits. This demand of the manufacturers for the commodities which they use, is elegantly termed the home market. Now, sir, I grant that this artificial home market is dependent on protection, and will be destroyed by the prostration of the protective policy. It is a very small market, though gentlemen on the other side attempt to magnify its importance. So far as I am concerned, sir, it shall be as large as they please, and the larger the better for the purposes of my argument. For as this artificial inarket is created by compelling us to buy from those who sell the protected commodities, for which we are obliged to pay more than they are worth, the more we deal with them, the more must we lose. What they buy from us must depend on what we buy from them, and the greater this home market therefore, the greater is the loss. The gentleman from Ohio [Mr. STANTON] said just now, that he wished to build up a consuming class to create a market for the agricultural products of the country. This is protection with a vengeance! A distinguished Whig statesman from Maine, [Mr. Evans,] said something like this seven or eight years ago. He said that by protection, the manufacturers were lifted up to be consumers. If we have commodities that we wish to sell, it is very easy to create such a market as this. We have only to supply others with the money necessary to purchase them, and then congratulate ourselves that we have met with a sale. Such consumers of our productions may readily be found Ho. OF REPS. adopted for creating the home market, is by ex||cluding their manufactures by a protective tariff, and compelling the people to buy and sell at home. Now, this very necessity for legislative exclusion proves that we could get their manufactures if this means were not resorted to. How could we get them unless we paid for them in our productions, or at least in money? As long as we have either, why shall we be prevented from buying them? If they will not take our productions in exchange, and we have no more money to send them, why, then, they will no longer consent to supply us. If they did, we should get their goods for nothing. Depend upon it, sir, they will not do that. If, then, they will not take our agricultural productions, there is no necessity for our resolving that we will not take their goods, for we could not get them if we would. The prohibition, then, if it has any practical operation, is mischievous; if it has none, it is absurd. The President says: "In the third place, the destruction of our manufactures leaves the fore gner without any competition in our market, and he consequently raises the price of the article sent here for sale, as is seen in the increased cost of irou imported from England." Surely the President cannot suppose that the recent increase in the price of iron is in any way connected with the tariff of 1846. But let me examine his general argument. The position that the destruction of our manufactures-I suppose he means those only that cannot be sustained without the aid of the Government-would leave the foreigner without any competition in our market, and that the price would consequently be raised, is altogether erroneous. There is a very fashionable mode of stating the argument upon this subject, and that is by speaking, not of foreign manufacturers, but of the foreign manufacturer, as if there was but one foreign manufacturer in the world. Though perhaps not designed, the argument is pressed, exactly as if we had but one person competing with our manufacturers abroad, and that, in a certain contingency, he was to have the monopoly of our markets, and to demand such prices as he pleased. The President seems to have adopted this form of expression. He speaks of the foreigner, and of his competition with us, and of our competition with him. He forgets that there are hundreds of thousands of foreigners all competing, not only with us, but with one another. Suppose it was true, then, that the abolition of the duty would either immediately or remotely raise the price, what would be the result? If these foreign manufacturers, notwithstanding the heavy duty of thirty or forty per cent, which they pay, can compete as they now do with our own, then, if they should raise their prices after the abolition of the duty, or continue to demand and receive the same prices as before, they would add the whole amount of this duty to their former profits. If their present profits excite competition abroad, how much more would that competition be stimulated, when, in addition to the small profits they now get, they secured the larger profit equal to the heavy tax now imposed upon them? No man pretends that the profits of our own manufacturers are equal to the duty upon the foreign article. But, upon the President's supposition of a rise of prices, the profit of the foreign manufacturers would be greater than the duty upon the protected article. If, then, this smaller profit at home excites competition here, how much more would the greater profit abroad stimulate competition there. No, sir, the result could not be as the President supposes. The abolition of the duty would not be followed by a rise of price. The market would not be secured to the foreigner without competition. You would have a more active competition than before; for the manufacturers of the whole world would compete with one another to supply your wants. This competition would be much greater than the combined competition of foreigners and our own manufacturers, under the operation of the ow upon the globe if we only give notice that we will ourselves fur-protective system. The reason is obvious. The y could not be sus-nish the money with which they are to purchase them. ent to unprofitable But gentlemen say that we must build up a try to an amount home market, as foreign nations will not buy our high prices occasioned by the heavy duties diminish consumption. There would be a less number of men necessary to supply the smaller demand, than would be employed to supply the larger con APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE. ompetitors by hoped that no ld have again of protection really so, we has ever prewered by an goods, which, consumed in Cuban Annexation-Mr. Giddings. The rule should be to fix such a duty as will raise the greatest revenue at the least cost. It may be that a particular rate of duty may raise the largest amount of money, but at the same time, it may so enhance the price of the article taxed as to enable similar articles manufactured at home to be sold at the same high price. Under the operation of such a tax a large revenue might be raised, but heavy burdens would thus be laid upon the peone protection-ple in the amounts paid to the protected interests. n the part of This would be as unwise as it would be, in laying the privilege direct taxes, to select some subject, which, while et at the high it would yield you a larger gross revenue than any r goods to us other, would involve so great a cost of collection as to bring a smaller amount into the Treasury. TANTON] said -on for protecPennsylvania he wants is secured by a y friend from Does he mean est amount of an means? interrupting.) at the time, riff, that is, a g its primary and having e duties upon tas a tax-bill of taxes as mass of con to a revenue ould lose sight mposing a tax that the artiy railroad and orations, and ment of duty, ill fall on the CUBAN ANNEXATION. SPEECH OF HON. J. R. GIDDINGS, IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, On the annexation of Cuba; delivered in the Com- Mr. GIDDINGS. Mr. Chairman, I have risen with no intention to participate in this discussion of the tariff. I abstain from it for the reason that it has been discussed for more than thirty years, by the ablest men in the nation, and no new theory or thoughts are likely to be elicited at this time. I abstain from it for the reaons that there is now no party which avows the protective policy. I also abstain from its discussion for the reason that the ablest advocates of protection have, since the late presidential election, declared that policy to be dead-that it now sleeps with its great advocate, Henry Clay. bear them. Why, sir, during the recent campaign, a Whig in would im- missionary, formerly a member of this body, was Jue and secure sent from New York city to Ohio, to inform us that the com- that unless the tariff were increased, the country is a moral and would be ruined; and here, sir, on the second day be protective, of the session, his Whig successor, elected with is protective. the aid of his vote and influence, moved a resoluand a protection to reduce the tariff. Now, it is quite evident ve operations es of a tariff. v, and in that ind raise reveoperation as and so much n. You canion. A tariff extent that it der the operae articles may e others may the duty; but Juced into the manufacture, otection. On t that the fore is destroyed. be too low to is given; and è revenue. If oreign goods, duty has no impose a tax stic prices, so necessary for by the home ull continue to ent that it ex that whether it be increased or diminished, the Whigs of New York are to enjoy the victory, for they are on both sides of the question. But I think there is an intention on the part of the majority of the House, to do neither, and thereby disappoint both factions of the New York Whigs. (Laughter.] Its discussion at this time, is unseasonable and out of place. The short session will not afford sufficient opportunity to mature a readjustment of the duties on imports; and, sir, we are all conscious that the responsibility rests upon the majority of this body, who are evidently disinclined to enter upon it at present. Our country was never more prosperous; and never did the people feel less desirous of a change of tariff than at this time. That indifference was very apparent during the late political campaign. If our most popular speakers attempted to discuss this subject, their meetings would "grow small by degrees, and beautifully less." So, too, during the three days this body has been occupied by it. Members would not listen to the eloquent speeches presented by their colleagues; and most of that time, our Hall has been nearly deserted. The discussion has become "flat, stale, and unprofitable." And whatever my feelings may be, I cannot disguise the fact, that the popular tendency in England, throughout Europe, and in this country, is toward free trade. Experience is the , it is protect-only test which can be applied to these theories. The truth of this remark is exemplified in the operation of the present tariff. At the time of its adoption, we were told that it would not produce revenue sufficient to carry on the Government. Yet although our expenditures were nearly doubled by the Mexican war, we have now more revenue than sufficient to meet all demands upon our Treasury. These facts should teach us to be less tenacious of our theories, and more willing to be guided by experience. e; and to the If, and raises rotection. It Is thus admitof the home sales by the imposed with t it does not ld the largest › be adopted. We are all conscious that but one great interest [Dec. 14, HO. OF REPS. in these United States is now protected by a prohibitory tariff; that is, the slave-breeding interest of Virginia and the other northern slave States. We protect the slave grower by visiting the penalty of death upon those who import slaves to the injury of our own citizens, who rear boys and girls for the market. These facts stand prominent upon the history of our times. We have secured to the slave-dealers of this nation a monopoly of the crime of buying and selling human flesh. Now, sir, with all kindness, I will say to those advocates for protection to northern labor, that while they make merchandise of the southern laborer, of his wife and children, it will be in vain for them to profess humane sympathy for the free and independent laborers of the North. While you profess an anxious solicitude for the pecuniary interest of the laborer in the cotton mill, and at the same time make merchandise of the bone and sinews, the blood and muscle of him who cultivates the raw material, the people will pronounce you hypocrites. I this morning read in one of our papers an account of a slave mother, having four children whom she tenderly loved. Her soul yearned for their happiness. But her master contracted to deliver them to a slave-dealer. She vainly implored him to desist from his purpose. He persisted; and as she saw her offspring about to be torn from her, embrace, she felt unable to meet such separation, and in order to save her loved ones from the suffering and degradation to which your laws consigned them, she mercifully deprived them of life. A few days afterwards, she was herself consigned to the gallows, for this manifestation of her affection; and the whole family of five persons were placed beyond the further cruelty of your laws. Now, sir, while we continue in force laws which inflict such suffering upon one portion of our fellow-mortals, and at the same time profess an anxiety for the pecuniary interest of another portion, will not all candid men charge us with hypocricy and falsehood? Mr. JOHNSON, of Tenneseee, said, if he understood the gentleman from Ohio, he was in favor of removing the protection to slave labor by repealing the law which prohibits the importation of slaves. Mr. GIDDINGS. The gentleman is mistaken; it was the protection of the slave grower to which I referred. It is the law of Congress, which authorizes the domestic slave trade, that I condemn. That traffic is far more barbarous than the foreign slave trade which we very properly characterize as piracy, and punish with death. Dealing in human flesh is, in a moral point of view, a naked, undisguised piracy; it is so regarded by all reflecting men; and those who traffic in human flesh, either here, in Africa, or elsewhere, and all who advise, aid, counsel, or encourage such traffic, are guilty, and deserve death upon the gallows. The manner in which we aid and encourage this crime is immaterial. If we lend that encouragement by passing laws to protect the slave-dealer, or by lending our influence to retain such laws in force, we are as guilty as he who actually buys and sells the victims of this traffic, and we, sir, deserve death as much as he does. I would not hang the ignorant sailor who goes to Africa and purchases men and women there, and spare the member of Congress who exerts his influence to continue the same crimes here. Had I the power to punish these crimes, I would inflict the same penalty upon every man who deals in human flesh, or who authorizes or encourages such traffic. 32D CONG.....2D SESS. a continuance. As the P urare from office, he witness otch this, his favorite me be fails in his last annual a as facts, nor does he make dy the popular odium which se compromise measures inf ry rapidly separating i porters of slavery and the e. He must be conscious th swallow up all other org by Democracy and the slave Dem arterize our political distinctio e principle of man's natura we riadicated and sustained; to the subject. And here I wish to say to the f tar cause is advancing rap brand sarer pace than at any tical organizations have wer. The election of the great Thomas H. Benton, in opp and Democratic parties, Amen to think and vote a of their own judgment, an Para dictation, or party rule. need with all parties. He of his own views: the peopl sand, setting party dicta by sected him. Nor was the bushed philanthropist from " Sah, a triumph of indep action. These distin Bes were connected with no politi are time to speak of the Democratic members el the Free Democracy: nor are t on the side of truth, libert , during the last year, th Can, or politician of our land Berek, "Uncle Tom's Cabin h to the minds of million ry and of Europe. It goes terest to the wrongs, the I observed that the honorable gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. JONES] took occasion, while discussing the tariff, to say that the Democracy of his State were in favor of the fugitive law; but it is somewhat remarkable that the President, in his message, makes no mention of that law. It is said, that during the last three months more fugitives have found their way to Canada than ever previously emigrated to that province in the same space of time. They went singly, in pairs, in con)panies of five, of ten; and sometimes twenty or more traveled together. Scarcely a slave-catcher interposed to prevent this tide of emigration; and those who made attempts to stop them were unsuccessful. The emigrants were armed and ready for the combat. They laughed at your fugitive law, and ridiculed those who enacted and who advo of the country, to the first in t tions presented by the honor e President is about esses the contempt measure, has fallen, al message to notice ke even an effort to ich has pronounced infamous. He sees ng into two parties; the advocates of libs that these parties organizations. The Democracy will soon actions, and the Demtural right to liberty ed; yet he remains the friends of liberty rapidly, and with any former period. have lost their moral great western statesopposition to both rties, shows the tendote agreeably to the at, and not according rule. He, sir, was He was the expopeople approved his dictation at defiance, the election of the rom New York, Gerindependent political distinguished gentlepolitical parties; but -n merits. Cuba Annexation-Mr. Giddings. the Committee on Ways and Means, [Mr. Hous- HO. OF REPS who have gone before him, he will find hereafter that he has run his bark upon the same rock on which so many northern statesmen have made shipwreck of their political hopes. Other Democratic candidates of the North have pursued the same policy, and some Whigs have striven to keep pace in this race of servility. Among others, notice a Whig paper in New York, of somewhat extensive circulation, avowing the policy of annex racy with having lent our influence to that policy, by refusing to vote for the Whig candidate. And, sir, I here take pleasure in vindicating the President against the assaults made upon him bying Cuba. Others have taunted the Free Democsome presses of the South for publishing this correspondence. With its publication he had no concern whatever. We, sir, by resolution, called for the correspondence. As the representatives of the sovereign people, we had a right to it. He had no right to withhold it. As he was bound by his oath and by the Constitution, he sent it to us. We ordered it printed. The people had a right to see and understand what their servants were doing on this as well as on all other subjects. Now, sir, I would say to them, that the Free Democracy is not altogether composed of boys and unfledged politicians; nor is it guided by men destitute of experience and forethought. We, sir, look not to the other parties for guidance: we do our own thinking, and our own voting. We have our own views upon this question as well as on all others. Gentlemen of the Democratic party who have spoken here, have alluded directly to this policy, but have carefully withheld all expression of their own views, or the views of their party, in reference to it. I had hoped to hear from gentlemen the designs of the incoming President. At least I hoped to hear what they themselves think of this This correspondence is highly important. It shows to the country and to the civilized world, that for thirty years the Executive has exerted our national influence to maintain slavery in Cuba, in order that the institution may be rendered more secure in the United Stutes. This policy stands out in bold relief; it pervades the whole correspondence, and was also incorporated into the in-policy.. Are they, individually, in favor of it or structions of our Commissioners to the Congress of Panama, although those instructions are not embraced in the communication now before us. Both Whig and Democratic Administrations have adopted this policy; and although I have but little time to read extracts from this correspondence, I will give one from the letter of Mr. Webster, Secthe election to this retary of State, marked “Private and Confidential," ic members, and of to our Consul at Havana, dated January 14, 1843, ers elected by aid of in which the author refers to reported intentions of are these elections, British abolitionists and the British Ministry to aid an indication of the in the abolition of slavery and in the establishment principles are cher- of an independent government in Cuba: he says: Is of the other parties, "If this scheme should succeed, the influence of ble to separate them-Britain in this quarter, it is remarked, will be uned political organiza- limited. With six hundred thousand blacks in have acted with them 'Cuba, and eight hundred thousand in her West 'India islands, she will (it is said) strike a blow at 'the existence of slavery in the United States. "These, sir, are the words of a man who opposed all expression, by this Government, of sympathy with oppressed Hungary; who was so strongly opposed to all intervention with the affairs of other Governments in favor of liberty. d the literati of our liberty, and justice. would say, that a nore for the cause of r, than any savant, r land. That inimiCabin," is now carillions, who, to this cries of the downsensibilities of this oes where no other its way; and quietly s of its readers. It in this country and blic listen with inthe revolting crimes er, that "school of the promulgation of ousands have been ble in no other way. awakening to duty, longer are we called ons, nor are the feelunities shocked by ors of Divinity, inage the most translisgraced mankind. odies, are beginning christian principles. es from those who withdrawing church who deserve the n a seat at the comrches. in answer to those and for the encourer to assure them, ats in this Hall are ecting" cotton cloth" of freedom have not g the rights of our principal object in We, sir, hold our own institutions by the right against it? No one has presumed to avow his own thoughts. Now, I would say to those members, you were sent here to represent the people. Franklin Pierce was elected to carry out and execute the laws which we enact-not to represent the voice of the people in enacting laws. God has given to you the powers of thought and reflection. He has given to you judgment and conscience. It is your duty to exercise those judgments and obey your own consciences-not to wait for General Pierce to tell you how to act and what to do, nor to obtain instructions on these subjects from the incoming President, or from the members of his Cabinet. If you do this, you are not representatives of the people, but of General Pierce, who will take care to represent himself. If you do this, you will not deserve the name of freemen. No, gentlemen, you and I were commissioned to avow the popular will of the nation; and God forbid that we should wait to receive instructions from any other human being. But, as I have remarked, no Democrat has as yet intimated the policy of the incoming Administration in regard to Cuba; and as the country is desirous of understanding what that policy will be, I will volunteer to speak for the President elect. [Laughter.] As my colleague in the Senate yesterday remarked, “I am a Democrat, by the grace of God, free and independent;" and as I have no doubt as to the policy of General Pierce, I will give my opinion as to his course on this subject. If he be the man-the statesman--that I take him to be, he will neither say nor do anything about it. He will leave it in silence. He will not follow the example of one of his predecessors, who, in his inaugural address, declared our title to the whole of Oregon to be clear and unquestionable, and when the British lion began to growl and show his teeth, our President backed out of his position, and surrendered one half to British rule. No; General Pierce will not be likely to follow such an example. He will look thoroughly into this subject before he commits himself in regard to it. It is certain that former Administrations and a portion of the people of the United States have long coveted Cuba, and would gladly now wrest it from the control of Spain, if they could do so with safety. The objects for which they would do it, 1 have already adverted to. But an omniscient, allwise Providence has thrown around the consummation of that great national crime such difficulties, and embarrassments, and positive dangers, that in my opinion it will never be perpetrated. The first and only mode in which we can hope to obtain Cuba is by peaceful, quiet purchase. Suppose the Spanish Crown should consent to take $100,000,000, as proposed by Mr. Buchanan, for the transfer of Cuba to this Government, and our President should stipulate to pay it; I would yet say to the Spanish Cortes, and to British and to French statesmen, that not one dollar of that eir representCountry. eople of Ohio, annexation of xed to such a Barque Georgiana, &c.-Mr. Smart. mond, some Ward, or other hero, will be found to plan and conduct insurrections; some Touissant to lead them in battle. Your troops will find active employment. Fire and sword will be called into service; devastation, rapine, and slaughter will ald be to bring be carried by the infuriated slaves over the plans to enact laws tations and villages. Two hundred thousand colniards will be ored men rendered desperate by barbarous oppreseducated undersion, will constitute no mean force when fighting ith our insti- for life and liberty. In that struggle Mr. Jefferhe right of suf- son has assured us the Almighty possesses no atof free govern- tribute which will permit him to take sides with e of such men the 000,000. But ld not only be Zion with our he Union with ower over our lves possess. ution will be slaves, countuban negroes, in moral and citizens of the f those slaves Federal Govmen exercise. really think ly one fourth ence to which d, vote to give nstituents and slaves. Sir, nal power of d disgrace the tic colleagues, e with me on arties inscribe arties inscribe consent thus ot be consum- would be a Dusand men oppressors. No, sir, our consciences and our sympathies must be with the oppressed. Our prayers will be that justice shall take place; and if the oppressors be laid low in death, we shall view it with christian submission. Then, sir, this Government will possess the constitutional power to conclude a peace by the total abolition of this accursed system of oppression. And do you think that Congress will long continue such a war? Will they shoot down those who thus strike for liberty? Or will they not rather consent to return to them their God-given rights? n from our great object ill enhance rthern slave wn around cannot be nlightened; e, which is y will have f the means nt for lead HO. OF REPS. It is the bold, unflinching agitation and maintenance of truth, by political, moral, and religious efforts, that has saved us from that degradation. Had we, sir, united with the other political parties at the late election; had we then disbanded, there would have been danger of the annexation of Cuba, even at the price of war and bloodshed. But we have attained the position which enables us by our efforts to command the respect of our opponents; and, more especially, has our course commanded the respect of ourselves-of good men -of the lovers of liberty in this country and in Europe, and, as I humbly trust, the approval of God himself. Slavery can only flourish, it can only exist, in the quiet repose of peace. It can not continue amid the storm of war or the rage of moral elements. All history shows us that slavery cannot exist amidst the agitation of truth. Justice is the great moral antagonism of oppression. They cannot exist together. I indulge the hope that slavery has reached its limits; that it cannot pass beyond its present boundaries, if we remain true to our purpose and our principles. Its proud waves are already stayed. Cuba must remain attached to the crown of Spain. Yet I would say to British and to French statesmen, that if they wish to obtain it for the purpose of establishing liberty there, of giving freedom to its down-trodden people, let them satisfy Spain and take the Island. We shall submit, for the very obvious reason, that while we hold our own slave And, sir, I would say to our southern friends, that when this spirit of liberty shall once be aroused among the blacks of Cuba, they will be very likely to bring the war into Florida, Alabama, and other southern States. Mr. Chairman, annex Cuba now, with its present slave population, and you and I may live to see our slave States devastated by a servile war. Indeed, I am surprised that the col-population in subjection, we cannot enter into a ored population there have remained supinely inactive so long. These States are at this time suppressed volcanoes, ready to burst forth whenever the elements shall become agitated. The annexation of Cuba will rock this Union to its center, and the hidden flames will find vent, and the fire and the hidden flames will find vent, and the fire that day of retributive justice shall overtake our southern friends, we, sir, will interpose, not by shooting down the victims of oppression, by murdering those who have been oppressed, wronged and outraged, but by making peace with them upon terms of justice, and admitting them to the enjoyment of their liberty. But, Mr. Chairman, I have spoken only of the peaceful purchase of Cuba and its consequences. It is the only mode in which we can obtain it. We can get it in no other mode. Slavery sits like an incubus upon our nation, paralyzing all our energies, and rendering a war with any powerful nation impolitic and dangerous. We cannot go to war for the conquest of Cuba. And, sir, from what we learn by the correspondence before us, as well as from other sources, Spain will not be likely to sell it to us. She has taken her position on this point, and has long maintained it. She will continue to maintain it. The old Castilian determination of purpose will guide her councils in future. I am, therefore, very clearly of opinion, that we shall not have Cuba so long as the friends of liberty continue to call public attention to the wrongs and crimes of slavery. The policy of the Spanish Government to set the slaves of Cuba free in case of formidable invasion, forbids all hope of obtaining it by conquest. It is now well known that prior to the Lopez expedition, the Governor-General had express orders, if he found it necessary to defend the Island, to abolish slavery and put arms into the hands of the emancipated slaves. Now, sir, our fillibustering politicians will have no object in obtaining Cuba, unless they can thereby obtain it with slavery. They fight for oppression, not for freedom. With these facts before the country, we shall have no more fillibustering expeditions. Our political filibusters will now disappear. They will escape the garrote, but will be reserved for political suffocation. Mr. Chairman, I speak my own opinions. No other man is responsible for what I say. I have given some attention to this subject, and have satisfied my own mind, that while the advocates of liberty shall continue their efforts for freedom, their struggles for justice to all men, Cuba will not be annexed. I congratulate the friends of liberty and of humanity upon the important position they eving their have attained. The very efforts which our oppousand free nents said would secure the annexation of Cuba s will sym- have, under the circumstances to which I have resome Re-ferred, prevented the perpetration of that outrage. war with either of those Powers in order to maintain that institution in Cuba. We, sir, would rather see Cuba free, under British or French rule, than see our fellow-men oppressed, degraded, and ruthlessly murdered under either Spanish or American authority. But if it remains subject to Spanish laws, its final redemption is not so far distant as we have been accustomed to think. The em ployment of Chinese laborers in that Island has proved far more profitable than of slaves. Indeed, it is said the expense of carrying on their plantations by the labor of these free people from China is less than half that of slave labor. At this time there are said to be six thousand Chinamen on their passage to Cuba, for the purpose of engaging in the cultivation of the soil. The laws of Cuba are also more favorable to emancipation than those of our slave States. These circumstances, under the guidance of Providence, amid the lights and intelligence of the present age, are slowly but surely working out the redemption of Cuba, even under Spanish rule. Yet its annexation to this Union would, in my opinion, hasten the overthrow of slavery, both there and in our slave States. The world is moving in favor of liberty. Redemption to the African race upon this continent must soon come. I trust it will come in peace; but I will add, in the language of our departed coadjutor, John Quincy Adams, "Let it come; if it must come in blood, yet I say LET IT COME. BARQUE GEORGIANA, &c. *REMARKS OF HON. E. K. SMART, OF MAINE, IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, December 27, 1852, In reference to the seizure and confiscation, by the Mr. Speaker: A number of my constituents, as well as interested citizens of Massachusetts, having made application to the State Department, to obtain relief, without success, I deem it now due to those I represent, to make a public statement of their claim upon the Spanish Government for indemnity. The Georgiana cleared from the port of New Orleans and left for Chagres on the 25th of April, 1850, with provisions and passengers, agreeably to her charter. After being at sea about seven days, she was compelled, by head winds and a strong current against her, to stop at *These remarks were written out and handed to the Reporter for publication in the Daily Globe, as I could get no opportunity to deliver them in the House. I gave the House notice that I would send them to the Reporter for publication, my object being to get the facts before the country. E. K. 8. RD CONG.....2D SESS. and of Contoy. She remaine day, waiting for a change she got under way for the Attempting for three days she was finally compelled, b verse currents, to return to C The Susan Loud cleared at the New Orleans on or about the first D150, for Chagres, the place to v Had according to her charter. S on the second day of May, red passengers and provision the Mississippi river, C. R. artered the Susan Loud, to t and provisions from New Or eng on board, directed the n tude 26 north, in longitu Sun Loud proceeded to th the steamer Creole came up gers and her captain from the anding the captain to act a Magures and thence to Car be obeyed. The Susan La fe, Mr. Hale, now went to Tiana and Susan Loud I Can arbor, on the 18th of M: ina var-steamer Pizarro, and terhove in sight, and imm the American vessels, with all t emer, and passengers. These resses were taken into Ha General Marine, on the 5th of Jun ed the use of the Spanish ne of July following. These are santially agreed to on Be the Sest authorities rely on c Cendence as a justifica Federation of the Amer Its report of the Aud Havana, in the procee the detention, at Co Gergana and Sasan Loud, that the base, which were said to contai contain arms, &c., the capt the captain. Wheat state a latitude, 870 west longitu eposition a further alleged that the Cr dad any knowledge, prior to d who had the physical power |