certain battle. There are heroes in civil as well as in military life, but their deeds seldom swell the poet's song or find mention upon the historian's page. Yet it is to such civil heroes that nations chiefly owe their prosperity and happiness. I have faith, too, that commissioners who perform their duty justly will gain the confidence of the great majority of the people, and that the moral weight of that support will enable them to resist all influence which would seek to swerve them from an honorable

course.

WHY SUCCESS MAY BE HOPED FOR.

The great element of success in the proposed system is the encouragement and development in the civil service of the sentiment of honor; that high tone which spurns bribes and the seductions of profligate ambition; that patriotism which dominates all selfish interests, and that resolute energy of purpose which sacrifices everything to the performance of duty. When I have seen our young men by tens of thousands at the call of duty, urged by patriotism, leave all the allurements of home and the chances of success in peaceful life to bear the privations of the camp and the march; to brave the leaden rain and iron bail" of battle, and the lingering torture and slow death of the prison, to save their country from dismemberment. I feel that I know that from these same men there may be found a sufficient number who will hunt out and exterminate the enemies within the lines, and face the corruptions of office as unflinchingly as they faced death in war. I do not believe that where honor and duty work together with fair reward in either branch of the public service that the dollar is almighty to corrupt, or that the chances of politics can wholly deaden the conscience. It is in this faith that I advocate this measure; and if it is not sound, then a government honestly administered is not practicable among

men.

THE MODE OF SELECTION CONSISTENT WITH THE ORIGINAL PRACTICE AND THEORY OF THE GOVERNMENT.

There are some who pretend to think, and perhaps believe that they do think, that the proposed system is an innovation upon our republican theory. It is, on the contrary, a necessity arising from the growth of the Republic, a demand of its intense and immense vitality. The republican idea is not that all are equally fit to hold office, but that all should have a fair chance to obtain office through fitness for it. "Equality is equal start for all." While the Republic was small, and contained few more inhabitants than the present population of the State of New York, it was possible for the President and heads of Departments to gain sufficient personal knowledge of all persons from whom they would select their subordinates. It was no more difficult than for a

general of division to recommend the promotion of a meritorious subordinate to fill a vacancy. Competitive examinations and probations would be of little use when this personal knowledge existed, and the choice was exercised conscientiously. But the multitudes by whom this Government must be carried on, and the greater multitudes from which they must be selected, have outgrown all personal knowledge and supervision. Some test must be applied to all candidates; some judgment must be had upon their qualifications.

This measure proposes to have the judgment and that access to this board shall be denied of an independent board of qualified persons,

to none.

Whose judgment will that of such a tribunal supersede? Not that of the President, for it is physically and mentally impos and decide upon the qualifications of those sible that he should personally inquire into

the appointment is vested by law in him; not that of the heads of Departments, for it is not within their power to decide personally upon the fitness of their subordinates, except those with whom they come in contact in their reundertake this task they must neglect all other spective offices. If they should personally

administrative subordinates in the cases where

duties.

What Secretary of the Interior could personally decide upon the qualifications of his Indian agents or pension office clerks, or Patent Office examiners? The Secretary of the Treasury has graver duties to perform than to select the many thousand instruments through whom he works, by personal interrogation. Those duties are graver than have ever devolved upon any of his predecessors. The management of our immense debt, the questions concerning the currency, loans, interest, redemption, fluctuations, or resources, which are constantly coming in upon him, may appal the stoutest heart and overtask the most cunning brain. Though his hair may be as black as the raven's wing on entering office it may become blanched as the snowy owl's before leaving it. In order that he may be spared to perform those grave duties in any manner it is necessary that he should be relieved from all inquiries concerning applicants for office.

NO ACTUAL JUDGMENT NOW OBTAINED UPON THE FITNESS OF CANDIDATES.

Under the present system of whom do the President and heads of Departments actually inquire; whose judgment do they get upon the persons who receive these minor appointments? If every member of this House should upon the instant answer this question each answer would be the same. We all know how this business is done, and although the people do not all know they are rapidly becoming informed. In fact, the appointing power obtains nothing which can be called a judgment upon the questions of fitness and character. It is only a