On the Republican side the campaign was opened with great vigor. The initial step was the holding of mass meetings in the large cities, these to be followed by County mass meetings in the country, and by Village and School District meetings. The services of the ablest men in the party were secured, to an extent hardly equaled in any campaign since then. The leader among these was William H. Seward, one of the best campaign orators in the country, and still the most popular man in the Republican party, even though he was defeated for the Presidential nomination.

Mr. Seward was bitterly disappointed at his failure to receive the nomination, and was very chilly toward Curtin, of Pennsylvania, and Lane, of Indiana, who had been mainly instrumental in bringing it about. He was never on good terms with them afterwards. Some of his most prominent supporters were still more distant. Edwin D. Morgan remained Chairman of the National Committee, but showed little interest in the October election in Pennsylvania and Indiana. So far as he was concerned, Curtin and Lane were allowed to run their own campaigns. Curtin wrote in August: "I called upon Morgan the night after the nomination was made. He treated me civilly, but with marked coolness. I then called on Weed, who was very rude, indeed." Part of Weed's rudeness consisted in the remark: "You have defeated the man who, of all others, was most revered by the people and wanted as President. You and Lane want to be elected, and to elect Lincoln you must elect yourselves."

But Mr. Seward's resentment and that of his friends stopped with these two men and their political aspirations. Seward entered heartily into the general campaign. He not only made many speeches in his own State, but made a political tour of the Northwest, where he was everywhere enthusiastically received, and where his addresses were not only of the highest order from an oratorical point of view, but were convincing in argument. In lasting effect upon the voters his work was more effective than that of any other campaigner.

Toward the close of the campaign strong appeals were made against the Republican party on the ground that its success would injure business and endanger the Union. Upon the latter subject Mr. Seward said in his closing address of the campaign, at his home in Auburn: "You may go with me into the streets to-night and follow the 'Little Giants' who go with their torch-lights and their flaunting banners of Popular Sovereignty'; or you may go with the more select and modest band who go for Breckinridge and slavery; or you may

follow the music of the clanging bells, and strange to say, they will bring you into one chamber. When you get there, you will hear only this emotion of the human heart appealed to-Fear-fear that if you elect a President of the United States, according to the Constitution and the laws to-morrow, you will wake up the next day and find that you have no country for him to preside over! Is not that a strange motive for an American patriot to appeal to? And, in that same hall, amidst the jargon of three discordant members of the 'Fusion' party you will hear one argument, and that argument is, that so sure as you are so perverse as to cast your vote, singly, lawfully, honestly, as you ought to do, for one candidate for the Presidency, instead of scattering it among three candidates, so that no President may be elected, this Union shall come down over your heads, involving you and us in a common ruin!"

The Chairman of the Seward delegation from New York at Chicago, Wm. M. Evarts, one of the most polished orators in the country, was also conspicuous on the stump. Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio, one of the pioneers in the Anti-Slavery cause, and a candidate for the nomination at Chicago, was also very active. John A. Andrew, of Massachusetts; George William Curtis, of New York; Galusha A. Grow and David Wilmot, of Pennsylvania; John Sherman, of Ohio, and Lyman Trumbull, of Illinois, were among the other distinguished men who took part in the campaign. In Michigan one of the most effective speakers was Austin Blair, who had headed the delegation to Chicago, and who afterwards gained distinction as War Governor of the State. Mr. Lincoln, himself, remained quietly at his home in Springfield, receiving no political delegations, holding no political conferences, making no political speeches, and writing no political letters, a reserve which has since ceased to be expected of Presidential candidates.

One characteristic of the campaign was the great extension of the brass band and torch-light method of stirring up enthusiasm. The Republicans were especially conspicuous in this. They had their "Republican Invincibles," "Rail-Splitters," "Lincoln Defenders" and "Wide Awakes," but the others were finally or nearly all merged in the latter. The Wide Awakes originated rather by accident than by design. The Connecticut State elections were then held in the Spring, and the canvass opened early. February 26, 1860, the first meeting of the campaign was held at Hartford, with Cassius M. Clay, of Kentucky, as the principal speaker, and it was arranged that, after

the meeting he should be escorted to his hotel by a torch-light procession. Two of the young men who were to carry torches, in order to protect their clothing from oil that might drop from the torches, prepared cambric capes, which they wore in connection with their glazed caps. The marshal of the procession noticed this outfit, and placed the two young men at the front of the procession, where they attracted much attention, the utility of the outfit being no less noticeable than its novelty. Out of this incident came the organization of a band of fifty torch-bearers, wearing glazed caps and capes made of oil cloth, instead of cambric. Their first appearance in parade was when acting as part of an escort to Abraham Lincoln, from the hall where he had been speaking, to his hotel, on the fifth of March, 1860, just one year before he was inaugurated as President. The honor of giving a name to the club belongs to William P. Fuller, for many years since that time connected with Detroit newspapers, and still in business in that city. In 1860, Mr. Fuller was city editor of the Hartford Courant, and in referring to the proposed organization of torch-bearers, spoke of them and of the Young Men's Republican Union, to which they were to be auxiliary, as "Wide Awakes." The name took, but the torch-bearers soon decided to appropriate it to themselves, instead of sharing it with other organizations. The idea, as well as the name spread, and it was not many days before there was a uniformed "Wide Awake" company in every town of any size in Connecticut. After the Presidential campaign opened the idea was taken up in every Northern city, and wherever a torch-light procession was formed, there could be seen the glazed caps and black or red cape of the Wide Awake. Many of the companies were drilled, not only to keep step in marching, but to perform military evolutions. Their organization served not only to put vim and enthusiasm into the campaign, but to cement the ties of party loyalty and friendship among the young men themselves. Some of the Southern papers denounced the Wide Awake organization as a device for giving the young men military drill, without exciting suspicion, and found in it a purpose, on the part of the Republicans, to excite a war, between the North and the South. This was a rather brazen assumption on the part of men who were already, under the guise of official position, stealing ammunition and supplies from the Government arsenals at the North, and sending them South. Nothing could have been further than this from the thought of the men who organized the Wide A wakes. But the organization may have helped some in the end,

after all. The boys who afterwards went into the Army had at least learned to stand and march, shoulder to shoulder.

Notwithstanding the blaze of torch-light and enthusiasm that swept over the North, the situation was not altogether secure. For the first time in the case of a Presidential candidate, Mr. Douglas took the stump in his own behalf. He spoke in nearly all the Free States and in some of the Slave States. He attracted large audiences, and spoke with all his former eloquence and fire, but he had lost his hold as a political leader. While he had been standing still on the Squatter Sovereignty doctrine, the North had been moving away from it in one direction, and the South in another, and he was left alone in the middle. Perhaps the underlying principles of the campaign as represented by the platforms and speeches of the candidates combined, were never more clearly defined than in the following from "Greeley's American Conflict." With these in mind the different policies of the campaign and subsequent events can be better understood·

1. Lincoln-Slavery can only exist by virtue of municipal law; and there is no law for it in the territories and no power to enact one. Congress can establish or legalize slavery nowhere, but is bound to prohibit it in, or exclude it from, any and every Federal Territory, whenever and wherever there shall be necessity for such exclusion or prohibition.

2. Douglas--Slavery or no slavery in any Territory is entirely the affair of the white inhabitants of such Territory. If they choose to have it, it is their right; if they choose not to have it, they have a right to exclude or prohibit it. Neither Congress nor the people of the Union, or any part of it, outside of said Territory, has any right to meddle with or trouble themselves about the matter.

3. Breckinridge-The citizen of any State has a right to emigrate to any Territory, taking with him anything which is property by the law of his own State, and hold, enjoy and be protected in, the use of such property in said Territory. And Congress is bound to render such protection whenever necessary, whether with or without. the co-operation of the Territorial Legislature.

The South had accepted the doctrine of Squatter Sovereignty in 1854, had made all it could out of the doctrine, had thrown it aside, and had taken positive ground in favor of unrestricted slavery in the territories. The North had taken precisely opposite ground. The "Irrepressible Conflict" was on, and the day of compromises was past. Douglas realized, long before the end of the campaign, that his case was hopeless.

The adroit plans of the Breckinridge campaign managers were much more dangerous. The Bell and Everett ticket was encouraged in the South, with the certainty that by dividing the opposition it would give to Breckinridge part of the electoral vote that would naturally go to Douglas. But the Breckinridge party would go into no Fusion movement in the South. In the North the Bell-Everett ticket was expected to draw enough conservative votes away from Lincoln to give some states to Douglas. In other states Fusion tickets were expected to divide the electoral votes. It was certain that neither Bell nor Douglas could be elected. The sole purpose of the different combinations was to defeat Lincoln. In that case, if Breckinridge did not get the requisite number of votes in the Electoral College, the choice would have gone to the House of Representatives, where the Democrats had a majority of the delegations from seventeen states, the Republicans from fifteen, and the Americans from one.

The last desperate assault of the enemy was made on New York State in two ways. An electoral ticket was formed that represented a Fusion of all three opposition parties, and it made a formidable. combination. The next part of the assault was an appeal to the fears and the cupidity of the commercial classes. This was an ancient trick of the Southerners. Threat of the "loss of the Southern trade" had made many a New York jobber very conservative in politics. It is told that in 1854, when the Kansas Rifle and Emigrant Aid Society movement was in progress, Henry C. Bowen, of the then great dry goods house of Bowen, McNamee & Co., of New York, was very active in the movement. He received a number of remonstrances from Southern customers, and finally a letter from one of them, threatening that the house should lose its entire Southern trade, if he did not cease his active connection with the Anti-Slavery fanatics. Mr. Bowen acknowledged the receipt of the letter and added: “Our goods are for sale, but not our principles." The merchants of 1860 were not many of them made of this heroic mould. They were afraid of the loss of their Southern trade, and with the timidity that is apt to accompany concentrated capital, they were frightened at the prospect of any disturbance. In New York and Philadelphia particularly, not only the wholesale merchants, but the commercial classes generally, were opposed to the Republicans. The Chairman of the Republican State Central Committee in Pennsylvania, said, after election: "I cannot recall five commercial houses of prominence in the City of Philadel phia where I could have gone for a subscription to the Lincoln