Maryland; or without the consent of the inhabitants, or without just compensation to the owners.

4. Prohibiting Congress from hindering the transportation of slaves from one State to another, or to a Territory in which slavery is allowed.

5. Providing that where a fugitive slave is lost to his owner by violent resistance to the execution of the process of the law for his recovery, the United States shall pay to said owner his full value, and may recover the same from the County in which such rescue occurred.

6. These provisions are declared to be unchangeable by any future amendment of the Constitution, as are also the existing articles relating to the representation of slaves and the surrender of fugitives. These were referred to the Committee of Thirteen, who reported, on the 31st of December, that they "had not been able to agree upon any general plan of adjustment." They continued, however, to be the basis of discussion through the session, but were defeated on the last day by a vote of 19 to 20. On account of the withdrawal of Southern Senators, the Senate had then become strongly Republican.

In the House, on the first day of the session, a committee of thirty-three was appointed to consider such portions of the President's message as related to the perilous condition of the country. This committee, after a few days' consideration, reported a series of resolutions in substance as follows:

1. All attempts on the part of the Legislature of any State to obstruct the recovery of fugitives from labor are in derogation of the Constitution of the United States, inconsistent with comity and good neighborhood between the states, and dangerous to the peace of the Union.

2. That the several states be requested to cause their statutes to be revised, with a view to ascertain if any of them are in conflict with the Laws for the return of Fugitive Slaves, and if so to repeal such laws.

3. That we recognize slavery as now existing in fifteen of the States, and recognize no authority outside of any of these States to interfere with such slaves or slavery.

4. Discountenances all mobs or hindrances to the execution of the Fugitive Slave Law.

5. A faithful observance, on the part of all the states, of all their Constitutional obligations to each other, and to the Federal Government, is essential to the peace of the country.

6. It is the duty of the Federal Government to enforce the Federal laws, protect the Federal property, and preserve the Union of the States.

Sections seven and eight request the states to enact laws for the protection of travelers from one State to another, and to prevent or punish any attempt to set on foot the lawless invasion of any other State or Territory.

These resolutions, which might have calmed the apprehensions of the Southerners, if they had not been bent on secession in any event, passed the House by a vote of 136 to 53. That body also, by a vote of 133 to 65, proposed a Constitutional amendment providing that, "No amendment shall be made to the Constitution which will authorize, or give to Congress the power to abolish, or interfere, within any State, with the domestic institutions thereof, including that of persons held to labor or service by the laws of said State." This was the only measure on the whole subject that passed both houses, and this never became operative. The House also passed, at this session, acts providing Territorial governments for New Mexico, Colorado and Dakota, without any provision as to slavery.

a

The last effort at compromise was made through the agency of a Peace Conference which met in Washington February 4, and consisted of 133 delegates from 21 states, none of the seceded states being represented. It was in session a fortnight and adopted resolutions (1) Restoring the old Missouri Compromise line, with its former limitations as to slavery in the territories; (2) Providing that no territory should be acquired by the United States except by discovery, without concurrence of a majority of all the Senators from the Slave States, as well as a majority of all the Senators from the Free States. (3) Declaring that Congress shall not have the power to interfere with slavery in any State; or in the District of Columbia, without the consent of the State of Maryland, and without the consent of the owners, or making compensation to the owners who do not consent; nor to prevent persons from other states from taking their slaves into the District of Columbia; nor to abolish slavery in places under the jurisdiction of the United States in any State or Territory where it already existed; nor to prohibit the transportation of slaves from one State or Territory to another. (4) The third paragraph of the second section of the fourth article of the Constitution, shall not be construed to prevent any State from enforcing the return of fugitive slaves; (5) Prohibits the foreign slave trade; (6) The first, third and

fifth sections of these amendments shall not be abolished without the consent of all the states; (7) Provides that the United States shall pay full value for any fugitive whose return to slavery is prevented by violence or intimidation.

These resolutions were received by the Senate on the 2d of March. For the next two days that body played battledore and shuttle cock with them, and the Crittenden Compromise resolutions. It finally, by a vote of 3 to 34 refused to substitute the former for the latter, and then defeated the latter by a vote of 19 to 20.

These were almost the last votes taken in the Senate of the Thirty-sixth Congress, for the end of the Buchanan Administration was at hand. A President, feeble and vacillating, and a Congress controlled first by rebels, and after they had left, controlled by its fears, were about to give place to a strong man in the Executive and a strong party in control of Congress. The interregnum was about to end.

There was a

There was just one redeeming act near the close. deficiency in the Government revenues and the first Morrill Tariff Act, intended to increase the revenues $65,000,000 was passed to meet the emergency. It was based on the Republican idea of protection and was passed by Republican votes; but the money was needed, and on the 2d of March the President reluctantly signed it.

X.

PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S ADMINISTRATION.

Lincoln's Journey to the Capitol-His Purpose as Regards SlaveryFormation of the Cabinet and Discordant Elements There— Prominent Men in Congress-Divided Opinions About the Southern Forts-Seward's "Thoughts for the President's Consideration"-The South Carolina Embassy-The Bombardment of Fort Sumter The First Call for Volunteers-Prompt Response by Congress to the President's Requests-Important Acts of General Legislation-The Question of Returning Fugitives-The President Puts the Union Above the Slavery Question -Events Leading Up to the Emancipation Proclamation-Varying Fortunes of the War.

The President-elect left his home in Springfield on the 11th of February, accompanied to the depot by a large number of his friends and neighbors, to whom he addressed this brief farewell: "My Friends No one not in my position can appreciate the sadness I feel at this parting. To this people I owe all that I am. Here I have lived more than a quarter of a century; here my children were born, and here one of them lies buried. I know not how soon I shall see you again. A duty devolves upon me, which is, perhaps, greater than that which has devolved upon any man since the days of Washington. He never would have succeeded except for the aid of Divine Providence, upon which he at all times relied. I feel that I can not succeed without the same Divine aid which sustained him, and on the same Almighty Being I place my reliance for support; and I hope you, my friends, will all pray that I may receive that Divine assistance, without which I cannot succeed, but with which success is certain. Again I bid you all an affectionate farewell."

Mr. Lincoln's journey to Washington occupied twelve days, from February 11 to 23. He was greeted everywhere along the line with enthusiastic crowds, and made many short speeches from the platforms

of his car at the smaller stations. He made stops, of from a few hours to a day or more, at Indianapolis, Cincinnati, Columbus, Cleveland, Buffalo, Albany, Troy, New York, Trenton, Philadelphia and Harrisburg. He left the latter city by an earlier train than that first scheduled, and reached Washington twelve hours sooner than was expected. This change of plan was caused by apprehensions of his friends, and of the police, that his life would be in danger in Baltimore. An attempt had been made on the Toledo & Wabash road to throw from the track the train on which he was traveling, and as he was leaving Cincinnati a hand grenade was found on the car. This led to an organized investigation, by skilled detectives, who discovered that a gang of assassins had arranged to take his life whi'e passing through Baltimore. It was deemed the part of prudence to avoid them by taking an earlier train. In Washington Lincoln made only two addresses previous to his inauguration, one in response to a welcome tendered him by the Mayor and Common Council, and one on the occasion of a serenade given him by the Republican Association.

President Lincoln's inaugural address was calm and moderate. Near the opening he quoted from one of his speeches these words, which he now reaffirmed: "I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the states where it exists. I believe I have no right to do so and I have no inclination to do so." Upon the matter of the rendition of fugitive slaves, he said: "There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor. The clause I read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any other: 'No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.' It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call. fugitive slaves, and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All Members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution, to this provision, as much as any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves, whose cases come within the terms of this clause 'shell be delivered up,' their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not, with nearly equal unaniminity, frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?"